Saturday, May 23, 2009

Developed/Rich Countries Came to Be Due to Protectionism, Not Free Trade

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Bold and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."

“There is no literate population in the world that is poor; there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)

“One of the major errors in the whole discussion of economic development has been the tendency to look at the United States or Canada and say that this has worked here, and therefore it must work in the poor countries.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)


"The selfish spirit of commerce knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain" - Thomas Jefferson, 1809

"What else do bankers do -- walk-in and turn-off the lights in the country." - William Slee, 1978


******************************
[NOTE: This post is a shortened and slightly updated version of my 2006 previous posting which has all the original references and footnotes, Refer to this URL: http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2006/08/resource-rich-but-poor-nations-why.html]

When fellow Filipinos from then Senator Gloria Arroyo (one of the early,enthusiastic proponents of us joining or signing on the 1995 WTO Agreements) to our influential native technocrats - all probably with vested interests in the perpetuation of WTO Agreements/Rules and brainwashed with the "free-market" economic system of Adam Smith-- talk of a "level playing field" in the global trade, I try hard to humor myself because I find these traitors to our native people disgustingly enraging.

These fellow Filipinos continue to fool and keep the native majority ignorant. They continually mislead us into believing that we, impoverished people of an underdeveloped country, are in a horizontal or equal relationship with the rich, powerful and advanced industrialized nations, all supposedly friendly competitors in the globalized market.

Common sense and reality show us that the 14-year results of WTO in the Philippines signed into by our homeland's leadership since the Fidel Ramos presidency, continued by then Estrada and current Arroyo regimes have only hastened our national de-industrialization (whatever industries, however light and little we had) and agricultural deterioration. Their combined consequences being the loss of work for millions of native Filipinos --to join the ranks of the poor and the worsening impoverishment of the native majority.

A serious study of the national histories, or more precisely, of the histories of national economic development of rich/developed nations, will demonstrate that they neither believed nor practiced "free-market/free-trade economies." All of them-- England, the United States, Western European countries, Japan --lied about how they became what they are today --if looked at under their now proselytized model of "economic globalization" aka "economic liberalism" aka "free-trade" via rich nations-controlled WTO rules (more aptly, neoliberalism or neocolonialism).

For 150 years, England practiced economic protectionism in agriculture and industry. So did the United States after Alexander Hamilton, a Founding Father, wrote that America should encourage national industrialization with subsidies and tariffs; Japan did so for 100 years. And they continue to do so since "they", the developed/rich nations with their transnational corporations (TNCs), define and lay down the WTO Agreements. They do it to us via their arm-twisting enforcers, i.e. the IMF and WB As the saying goes: "He who has the gold, makes the rules."

Native Filipinos, especially the so-called educated (whether from our local universities, private and public, or from abroad) have been bombarded about the "free trade" gospel as the only way to national development and the "invisible hand" of the free market. No one seems to have heard of Friedrich List, the leading critique of Adam Smith's "free trade" gospel (include me after an MBA from UP). We Filipinos need to learn, understand and realize that the past, present and popularized "free-trade" aka globalized economy will not lead to our own, our children and grandchildrens' long-term betterment.

We Filipinos all need to know that our economic deterioration, especially in the last 35 years or so, has been facilitated by religiously following developmental rules/theories, whether from Walt Rostow's Stages of Growth, Smith's Wealth of Nations, and the latest spin of "globalization" (which condemns nationalism and protectionism of poor countries) formulated by the rich and strong nations. Global economics is not about friendly countries fairly doing business, it is about the strong countries screwing the weak countries.

The following article (I shortened this one) provides a good introduction on how the strong nations enriched themselves and how they now continually do so at the expense of the weak (thus continually poor) ones.

I have linked a website for a Filipino NGO, i.e. Fair-Trade Alliance that promotes the re-imposition of higher tariffs for imports that compete with local products and lower tariffs for imports not locally produced. However, such efforts need to have the native majority educated for nationalism to be successfully realized.

-Bert


******************************************

Never did a Nation Develop under Adam Smith Free Trade
Trade was felt to be the bloodstream of British prosperity. To an island nation it represented the wealth of the world, the factor that made the difference between rich and poor nations. The economic philosophy of the time (later to be termed "mercantilism") held that the colonial role in trade was to serve as the source of raw materials and the market for British manufacture, and never to usurp the manufacturing function.
6 (Emphasis added)

Adam Smith’s own words exposes free trade as only a cover for the same past mercantilist policies: "The ultimate object ... is always the same, to enrich the country by an advantageous balance of trade. It discourages the exportation of the materials of manufacture [tools and raw material], and the instruments of trade, in order to give our own workmen an advantage, and to enable them to undersell those of other nations in all foreign markets: and by restraining, in this manner, the exportation of a few commodities of no great price, it proposes to occasion a much greater and more valuable exportation of others. It encourages the importation of the materials of manufacture, in order that our own people may be enabled to work them up more cheaply, and thereby prevent a greater and more valuable importation of the manufactured commodities.
7

In her early development, Britain structured her laws to protect her industry and commerce. The British Enclosure Acts of the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries were sparked by the labor shortage created by the Black Death and the need for sheep farming to produce for the wool market created by the Hanseatic traders.

As opposed to today’s industry fleeing from high-priced skilled labor and moving to cheap labor, skilled artisans of almost every product in world commerce were brought to England from all over the world to train British labor in those skills. Bounties were given to promote exports of manufactures. And custom duties were enacted to protect those new industries.

Dutch commerce was undercut by the Navigation Acts requiring British products to be transported in British ships. English warships attacked Dutch shipping and English exports and imports rapidly increased. The Methuen treaty of 1703 with Portugal shut the Dutch off from trade with the Portuguese Empire.

The suddenly idled Dutch capital and skilled labor emigrated to the protective trade structure of England. The trade and commerce of France and Spain were overwhelmed by similar strategies. Every one of these policies under which Britain developed were the yet-unwritten philosophies of Friedrich List. None were the yet-unwritten philosophies of Adam Smith.
8

And Adam Smith himself knew this well. Note his last statement in this quote:
A small quantity of manufactured produce purchases a great quantity of rude produce. A trading and manufacturing country, therefore, naturally purchases with a small part of its manufactured produce a great part of the rude produce of other countries; while, on the contrary, a country without trade and manufactures is generally obliged to purchase, at the expense of a great part of its rude produce, a very small part of the manufactured produce of other countries.


The one exports what can subsist and accommodate but a very few, and imports the subsistence and accommodation of a great number. The other exports the accommodation and subsistence of a great number, and imports that of a very few only. The inhabitants of the one must always enjoy a much greater quantity of subsistence than what their own lands, in the actual state of their cultivation, could afford. The inhabitants of the other must always enjoy a much smaller quantity.... Few countries ... produce much more rude produce than what is sufficient for the subsistence of their own inhabitants. To send abroad any great quantity of it, therefore, would be to send abroad a part of the necessary subsistence of the people.

It is otherwise with the exportation of manufactures. The maintenance of the people employed in them is kept at home, and only the surplus part of their work is exported.... The commodities of Europe were almost all new to America, and many of those of America were new to Europe. A new set of exchanges, therefore, began to take place which had never been thought of before, and which should naturally have proved as advantageous to the new, as it certainly did to the old continent. The savage injustice of the Europeans rendered an event, which ought to have been beneficial to all, ruinous and destructive to several [most] of those unfortunate countries.
9

All Successful Nations Developed under Friedrich List’s Principles of Protection of Tender Industries and Markets
Friedrich List describes the protectionist maxims under which Britain developed:
b

Always to favour the importation of productive power, in preference to the importation of goods.
Carefully to cherish and to protect the development of productive power.


To import only raw materials and agricultural products, and to export nothing but manufactured goods.

To direct any surplus of productive power to colonization, and to the subjection of barbarous nations.

To reserve exclusively to the mother country the supply of the colonies and subject countries with manufactured goods, but in return to receive on preferential terms their raw materials and especially their colonial produce.

To devote especial care to the coast navigation; to the trade between the mother country and the colonies; to encourage sea fisheries by means of bounties; and to take as active a part as possible in international navigation.

By these means to found a naval supremacy, and by means of it to extend foreign commerce, and continually increase her colonial possessions.

To grant freedom in trade with the colonies and in navigation only so far as she can gain more by it than she loses.

To grant reciprocal navigation privileges only if the advantage is on the side of England, or if foreign nations can by that means be restrained from introducing restrictions on navigation in their favor.

To grant concessions to foreign independent nations in respect of the import of agricultural products, only in case concessions in respect of her manufactured products can be gained thereby.

In cases where such concessions cannot be obtained by treaty, to attain the object of them by means of contraband trade.

To make wars and to contract alliances with exclusive regard to her manufacturing, commercial, maritime, and colonial interests. To gain by these alike from friends and foes; from the latter by interrupting their commerce at sea; from the former by ruining their manufactures through subsidies which are paid in the shape of English manufactured goods.
10

Napoleon knew all this well:

"Under the existing circumstances ... any state which adopted the principles of free trade must come to the ground .... [and] a nation which combines in itself the power of manufacturers with that of agriculture is an immeasurably more perfect and more wealthy nation than a purely agriculture one.”
11

The Wealth of Nations does not consider the industrial development of the periphery of empire: “Adam Smith and J.B. Say had laid it down that ... nature herself had singled out the people of the United States [and most of the rest of the world] exclusively for agriculture.”

And Friedrich List, who challenged the philosophy of Adam Smith because his native Germany could not develop under a philosophy designed to maintain the supremacy of Britain, was criticized by his staunchest supporters for considering developing only Europe and America.
12

William Pitt, British Prime Minister, studied Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations closely and saw the opportunity to solidify Britain’s control of world trade. If the world could be convinced to follow Adam Smith, he reasoned that no other nation could compete with British industry even if the 12 protectionist policies addressed above were dropped. The British State Department, British intelligence and British industry funded correspondents, columnists, writers, lecturers, and think-tanks mounted a crusade to impose Adam Smith’s free-trade philosophy, as they interpreted it, on the world.
13 So long as the undeveloped world could be made to believe this philosophy, they would hand their wealth to Britain of their own free will and it would not require an army:

Such arguments did not obtain currency for very long [in France]. England’s free trade wrought such havoc amongst the manufacturing industries, which had prospered and grown strong under the Continental blockade system, that a prohibitive règime was speedily resorted to under the protecting aegis of which, according to Dupin’s testimony, the producing power of French manufactories was doubled between the years 1815 and 1827.
14

As Napoleon understood, unless it is also equal trade, one country’s free trade is another country’s impoverishment. Friedrich List, from whose classic much of this part of our story comes, observed the devastation that British free trade created in France, observed France’s rapid recovery when she protected herself against predatory British industry, and he also observed firsthand the rapid development of the newly-free United States when they ignored Britain's promotion of Adam Smith free trade as interpreted by British mercantilists.
15



"The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925

"The glory of the United States is business" - Wendell L. Willkie, 1936

“Nations, whose NATIONALISM is destroyed, are subject to ruin.” - Colonel Muhammar Qaddafi, 1942-, Libyan Political and Military Leader

"Upang maitindig natin ang bantayog ng ating lipunan, kailangang radikal nating baguhin hindi lamang ang ating mga institusyon kundi maging ang ating pag-iisip at pamumuhay. Kailangan ang rebolusyon, hindi lamang sa panlabas, kundi lalo na sa panloob!" --Apolinario Mabini, La Revolucion Filipina (1898)


“The first priority for any underdeveloped country, before it can begin the economic and social development most appropriate to the needs of its people, is the seizure of power by the masses and the total destruction of the control and influence of the foreign power and local exploiting elite. Without this, nothing is possible.” – Felix Green, British Author, 1970

Thursday, May 07, 2009

Claro M. Recto - Biographies from the Internet

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Bold and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."



Claro M. Recto (1890-1960) was a Philippine nationalist leader and president of the 1934 constitutional convention. He was one of the most vocal advocates of Philippine political and social autonomy.


Claro M. Recto was born in Tiaong, Tayabas, on Feb. 8, 1890. He worked for a bachelor of arts at the Ateneo de Manila and finished a master of laws degree at the University of Santo Tomas in 1914. From 1916 to 1919 he served as legal adviser to the Philippine Senate. In 1919 he was elected as representative of the third district of Batangas and served as House minority floor leader. He was reelected in 1922 and 1925.


Framing of the [1935] Constitution

In 1924 Recto went to the United States as a member of a parliamentary independence mission. In the same year he was admitted to the U.S. bar by the Supreme Court. In 1934 a constitutional convention was held in accordance with the provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act, which required the drafting of a constitution as part of the steps leading to Philippine independence. Recto was elected president of the convention. It was due mainly to Recto's sagacity and intellectual acumen that the convention succeeded in framing and approving on Feb. 8, 1935, a constitution which would truly reflect the Filipinos' capacity to frame laws and principles that would govern their lives as free, responsible citizens in a democracy.


In 1931 Recto was elected to the Senate on the platform of the Democrata party. He acted as minority floor leader for 3 years. In 1934 he became majority floor leader and president pro tempore of the Senate. He subsequently resigned his Senate seat when President Franklin Roosevelt appointed him as associate justice of the Supreme Court. Recto left the Supreme Court in 1941 and was elected anew as senator. In 1949 he was reelected on the Nacionalista party ticket. In 1957 he ran for president but was defeated.


Apart from his numerous legal treatises and literary works in Spanish, Recto is noted for his staunch nationalist stand on questions regarding political sovereignty and economic independence.


World War II and Rehabilitation

Recto served in the wartime Cabinet of José Laurel during the Japanese occupation and was subsequently arrested and tried for collaboration. He wrote a defense and explanation of his position in Three Years of Enemy Occupation (1946), which convincingly presented the case of the "patriotic" conduct of the Filipino elite during World War II. Recto fought his legal battle in court and was acquitted.


On April 9, 1949, Recto opened his attack against the unfair impositions of the U.S. government as expressed in the Military Bases Agreement of March 14, 1947, and later in the Mutual Defense Treaty of Aug. 30, 1951, and especially the Tydings Rehabilitation Act, which required the enactment of the controversial parity-rights amendment to the constitution.


A Radical Gadfly

Recto's wit, irony, and sharp analytic powers exposed the duplicity of the diplomatic agreements with the United States and revealed the subservience of Filipino opportunists to the dictates of American policy makers. Recto opposed President Ramon Magsaysay on a number of fundamental issues, among them the Philippine relations with the Chiang Kai-shek regime in Taiwan, the Ohno-Garcia reparations deal, the grant of more bases to the United States, the American claim of ownership over these bases, the question of expanded parity rights for Americans under the Laurel-Langley Agreement, and the premature recognition of Ngo Dinh Diem's South Vietnam government. In all those issues, Recto's consistent stand in favor of Philippine sovereignty and security was proved right by the turn of events.


In perspective, Recto revived the tradition of the radical dissenter fighting against feudal backwardness, clericofascist authoritarianism, and neocolonial mentality and imperialism. He strove to reawaken the consciousness of the Filipinos to the greatness of their revolutionary heritage and emphasized the need to transform the character of the national life by reaffirming their solidarity as a sovereign, free people.


Recto was preparing to launch his Filipinist crusade in the tradition of the Propaganda Movement of the 1880s when he died of a heart ailment in Rome, Italy, on Oct. 2, 1960.


Further Reading

For Recto's ideas and attitudes see his own books, Three Years of Enemy Occupation: The Issue of Political Collaboration in the Philippines (1946); My Crusade (1955); and Recto Reader, edited by Renato Constantino (1965). The best biographical account from a nationalistic sociocultural point of view is Constantino's The Making of a Filipino: Story of Philippine Colonial Politics (1969). For other information about Recto's career consult Hernando J. Abaya, The Untold Philippine Story (1967). For a thoughtful appraisal of Recto's progressive tendencies by a young intellectual see José Maria Sison, Recto and the National Democratic Struggle (1969).


Additional Sources

Arcellana, Emerenciana Yuvienco, Recto, nationalist, Philippines: Claro M. Recto Memorial Foundation, 1988.

Arcellana, Emerenciana Yuvienco, The social and political thought of Claro Mayo Recto, Manila: National Research Council of the Philippines, 1981.

Claro M. Recto, 1890-1990: a centenary tribute of the Civil Liberties Union, Quezon City: Karrel, 1990?


*************

Claro Mayo Recto (February 8, 1890 TiĂ¡ong, Tayabas - October 2, 1960 Rome, Italy) was a Filipino politician, jurist, poet and one of the foremost statesmen of his generation. He is remembered mainly for his nationalism, for "the impact of his patriotic convictions on modern political thought".[1]


He was born in TiĂ¡ong, Tayabas (now known as Quezon province) of educated, upper middle-class parents, namely Claro Recto [Sr.] of Rosario, Batangas, and Marcela Mayo of Lipa, Batangas. He studied Latin at the Instituto de Rizal in Lipa, Batangas from 1900 to 1901. Further schooling was at the Colegio del Sagrado CorazĂ³n of Don SebastiĂ¡n Virrey. He moved to Manila to study at the Ateneo de Manila where he consistently obtained outstanding scholastic grades, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts degree maxima cum laude. He received a Masters of Laws degree from the University of Santo TomĂ¡s.


Contents

[hide]

Politician

Claro M. Recto launched his political career as a legal adviser to the first Philippine Senate in 1916. In 1919, he was elected representative from the second district of Batangas. He served as minority floor leader for several years until 1925. His grasp of parliamentary procedures won him the accolades of friends and adversaries alike.


He traveled to the United States as a member of the Independence Mission, and was admitted to the American Bar in 1924. Upon his return he founded the Partido Democrata. In 1928, he temporarily retired from active politics and dedicated himself to the practice and teaching of law.

Recto found the world of academia restrictive and soporific. Although he still engaged in the practice of law, he resigned from his teaching job in 1931 and reentered politics when he ran and won a senate seat and was subsequently elected its majority floor leader in 1934.


He was appointed Associate Justice of the Supreme Court in 1935 by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. As a jurist he held his own in famous debates even against the U.S. Attorney General with whom he waged a war of words on the question of ownership of military bases in the Philippines.


He presided over the assembly that drafted the Philippine Constitution in 1934-35, which was in accordance with the provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act and a preliminary step to independence and self-governance after a 10-year transitional period. The Tydings-McDuffie Act was created in response to the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act which, through the urging of Quezon, was rejected by the Philippine Senate. The original bill would have allowed the indefinite retention of U.S. military and naval bases in the Philippines and the American imposition of high tariff and quotas on Philippine exports such as sugar and coconut oil. A few minor changes were made and the Tydings-McDuffie bill was passed and signed into law by President Roosevelt.


Together with then-Senate President Manuel L. Quezon (who eventually was elected first president of the commonwealth), Recto personally presented the Commonwealth Constitution to U.S. President Roosevelt. The consensus among many political scholars of today judges the 1935 Constitution as the best-written Philippine charter ever. Its author was mainly Claro M. Recto.

In the 1953 and 1955 elections, Recto denounced the influence and coercion of the Church on voters' decisions—the Philippines having a 90% Catholic majority at the time. In a 1958 article in "The Lawyer's Journal" he suggested that a constitutional amendment be passed to make the article on Separation of Church and State clearer and more definitive. He also rallied against the teaching of religion in public schools.


He served as Commissioner of Education (1942-43), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1943-44), and Cultural Envoy with the rank of Ambassador on a cultural mission to Europe and Latin America (1960). In 1941 he ran and reaped the highest number of votes among the 24 elected senators. He was re-elected in 1949 as a Nacionalista Party candidate and again in 1955 as a guest candidate of the Liberal Party.


Claro M. Recto is considered light-years ahead of his time. He foresaw the demands of a fast-moving global economy which his nation is incapable to meet even to this day. In a memorable speech on the eve of the 1957 presidential election where he raced against then Vice President Carlos Garcia, he petitioned all sectors of society, and like Rizal, implored the youth:


In his speech "Our Mendicant Foreign Policy", delivered before the 1951 graduates at the University of the Philippines, he implored an end to what he called the panhandling atittude of the Philippine government and emphasized the drive to self reliance. A mendicant policy, he declared, promotes "a dole-out mentality. A dependent nation cannot expect respect from other nations."


Recto was dubbed by the media as the "Radical Gadfly" and the "Great Dissenter". He was considered the nemesis of President Magsaysay's government, disputing him on a number of fundamental issues, including the Philippine relations with the Chiang Kai-shek government, the grant of more bases to the U.S., the American claim of ownership over these bases, and the expanded rights for Americans under the Laurel-Langley Agreement. He was President Garcia's harshest critic, vigorously opposing him on the Ohno-GarcĂ­a (Japanese) reparations deal and the Philippine recognition of the American-supported regime of Ngo Dinh Diem.


During the Formosa crisis, the Philippine Congress, controlled by Magsaysay's party men, issued a resolution pledging support to the U.S. defense of Formosa upon threat of a communist invasion. Congress and the Old Guards of the Nationalista Party supported Magsaysay, and Magsaysay prevailed. Recto severely criticized Magsaysay's pro-American stance and forewarned that involvement in U.S. military intervention exposes the Philippines to imminent danger. Recto's consistent stand was proven right by history's turn of events.


Without his steerage of the Partida Democrata, the party experienced its eventual demise; he founded a second, the Nationalist Citizens Party which espoused neutrality in foreign relations and advocated economic independence from American interests. In that same 1957 election speech, he further said:[2]

I call upon my countrymen to remember that we have not always been so low and so ignoble, that our nationalist revolution of 1896 was indeed the first blow struck against an imperialist power and that the words and deeds of Rizal, Bonifacio, Del Pilar and Mabini once stirred the hearts of liberty-loving men all over Asia. Our national salvation lies first in reasserting the ideals of our heroes in their fight for emancipation, and second in changing the course of our economic efforts by giving emphasis to nationalist industrialization.



Recto sponsored the Rizal bill together with fellow senator Jose Laurel. The bill would require all high schools and colleges to include in their curricula a course in the study of Rizal's literary works, mainly the Noli me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, to provide an in-depth study of nationalism and the shaping of national character invoked in these two novels. Although it met strong opposition from a contingent of Catholic groups because of the books' virulent attack on the Church and their perceived anti-clericalism, the bill was passed and approved on December 6, 1956 and became R.A. 1425 known as Rizal Law.[3] Today there are many, especially among college and university students, who are calling for a repeal or revision of this law, questioning its essentiality to a high school and college diploma and its relevance to modern-day Filipino life.


Poet, playwright, essayist

The Spanish language was where he was reared and schooled. Alongside Tagalog, it was Recto's mother tongue, although he was equally adept in English. His initial fame was as a poet while a student at the University of Santo TomĂ¡s when he published a book Bajos Los Cocoteros (Under the Coconut Trees, 1911), a collection of his poems in Spanish. A staff writer of El Ideal, and later La Vanguardia, he wrote a daily column, Primares Cuartillas (First Sheets), under the nom de plume Aristeo Hilario. They were prose and numerous poems of satirical pieces. Some of his work still grace the classic poetry anthologies of the Hispanic world.


Among the plays that he authored were La Ruta de Damasco (The Route to Damascus, 1918), and Solo entre las Sombras (Alone among the Shadows, 1917), which were lauded not only in the Philippines, but also in Spain and Latin America. Both were produced and staged in Manila to critical acclaim in the mid 1950s.


In 1929, his article Monroismo AsiĂ¡tico (Asiatic Monroism) was published, validating his repute as a political satirist. In what was claimed as a commendable study in polemics, he proferred his arguments and defenses in a debate with Dean MĂ¡ximo KĂ¡law of the University of the Philippines where KĂ¡law championed a version of the Monroe Doctrine with its application to the Asian continent, while Recto took the opposing side. The original Monroe doctrine (1823) was U.S. President Monroe's foreign policy of keeping the Americas off-limits to the influence of the Old World, and states that the United States, Mexico, and countries in South and Central America were no longer open to European colonization. Recto was passionately against its implementation in Asia, wary of Japan's preeminence and its aggressive stance towards its neighbors. In his deliberation he wrote about foreseeing the danger Japan posed to the Philippines and other Asian countries. His words proved prophetic when Japan invaded and colonized the region, including the Philippines from 1942-45.


His eloquence and facility with the Spanish language were recognized throughout the Hispanic world. The Enciclopedia Universal says of him: Recto, more than a politician and lawyer, is a Spanish writer, and that among those of his race (he is pure Tagalog on both sides), there is not and there has been no one who has surpassed him in the mastery of the language of his country's former sovereign.[4]


The 'finest mind of his generation'

Claro M. Recto is considered the "finest mind of his generation".[5] Through his speeches and writings, he was able to mold the mind of his Filipino contemporaries and succeeding generations, a skill "only excelled by Rizal's".[5]


He left a mark on the patriotic climate of his time and a lasting legacy to those who succeeded him. Such icons of nationalism as Lorenzo Tanada, Jose Diokno, Renato Constantino, Jovito Salonga, refer to him as a mentor and forerunner.

Teodoro M. LocsĂ­n of the Philippines Free Press, defines Recto's genius, thus:[5]

"Recto is not a good speaker, no. He will arouse no mob. But heaven help the one whose pretensions he chooses to demolish. His sentences march like ordered battalions against the inmost citadel of the man's arguments, and reduce them to rubble; meanwhile his reservations stand like armed sentries against the most silent approach and every attempt at encirclement by the adversary. The reduction to absurdity of Nacionalista senator Zulueta's conception of sound foreign policy was a shattering experience, the skill that goes into the cutting of a diamond went into the work of demolition. There was no slip of the hand, no flaw in the tool. All was delicately, perfectly done... Recto cannot defend the indefensible, but what can be defended, he will see to it that it will not be taken."


Criticism

His critics claim that Recto's brilliance is overshadowed by his inability to capture nationwide acceptance. He could have been an exceptional leader, perhaps a great president, but his appeal was limited to the intellectual elite and the nationalist minority of his time.


In the same article, political editorialist, Manuel L. Quezon III, laments this fact:

"Recto's leadership was the curious kind that only finds fulfillment from being at the periphery of power, and not from being its fulcrum. It was the best occupation suited to the satirist that he was. His success at the polls would be limited, his ability to mold the minds of his contemporaries was only excelled by Rizal's...But he was admired for his intellect and his dogged determination to never let the opposition be bereft of a champion, still his opposition was flawed. For it was one that never bothered to transform itself into an opposition capable of taking power."[5]


However, one possible explanation as to why Recto was never able to capture full national acceptance was because he dared strongly oppose the national security interests of the United States in the Philippines, as when he campaigned against the US military bases in his country. During the 1957 presidential campaign, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) conducted black propaganda operations to ensure his defeat, including the distribution of condoms with holes in them and marked with `Courtesy of Claro M. Recto' on the labels.[6] [7]


Death

Claro M. Recto died of a heart attack in Rome, Italy, on October 2, 1960, while on a cultural mission, and en route to Spain, where he was to fulfill a series of speaking engagements.

The US Central Intelligence Agency is suspected of involvement in his death. Recto, who had no known heart disease, met with two mysterious "Caucasians" wearing business suits before he died. US government documents later showed that a plan to murder Recto with a vial of poison was discussed by CIA Chief of Station Ralph Lovett and the US Ambassador to the Philippines Admiral Raymond Spruance years earlier.[8][9]


Recto was married to Doña Aurora Reyes, with whom he had two sons. He had four children in his first marriage with Doña Angeles Silos.


Speeches and writings

  • A realistic economic policy for the Philippines. Speech delivered at the Philippine Columbian Association, Sept. 26, 1956. ISBN B0007KCFEM
  • On the Formosa Question, 1955 ISBN B0007JI5DI
  • United States-Philippine Relations, 1935-1960. Alicia Benitez, ed. University of Hawaii, 1964.
  • Three years of enemy occupation: The issue of political collaboration in the Philippines. Filipiniana series, 1985 Filipiana reprint. ISBN B0007K1JRG
  • Our trade relations with the United States, 1954 ISBN B0007K8LS6
  • The evil of religious test in a democracy, 1960 ISBN B0007K4Y8W
  • Solo entre las sombres: Drama en un acto y en prosa, 1917; reprinted 1999 ISBN 971-555-306-0
  • Asiatic monroeism and other essays: Articles of debate, 1930 ISBN B0008A5354
  • The law of belligerent occupation and the effect of the change of sovereignty on the commonwealth treason law: With particular reference to the Japanese occupation of the Philippines, 1946
  • Our lingering colonial complex, a speech before the Baguio Press Association, 1951
  • The Quirino junket: an Objective Appraisal, 1949 ISBN B0007K4A7W
  • The Philippine survival: Nationalist essays by Claro M. Recto, 1982
  • Claro Recto on our Constitution, Constitutional Amendments and the Constitutional Convention of 1991
  • Our mendicant foreign policy, a speech at the commencement exercises, University of the Philippines, 1951
  • The Recto Valedictory, a collection of 10 never-delivered speeches, with English translations by Nick Joaquin, 1985
  • [1] [2] Vintage Recto: Memorable speeches and writings, edited by Renato Constantino, 1986
  • Recto Reader: Excerpts from the Speeches of Claro M. Recto. edited by Renato Constantino, 1965 ISBN B0006E72Z6


Further reading

  • The relevant Recto, by Renato Constantino, 1986
  • Dissent on Philippine Society; the Filipino elite; Recto's Second Demise, by Renato Constantino, 1972
  • The Relevance of Recto Today: A review of Philippine-American and other relations, by Emerenciana Avellana
  • Recto and the National Democratic Struggle: a re-appraisal, by Jose Sison, 1969
  • Claro M. Recto, 1890-1990: A Centenary tribute of the Civil Liberties Union, 1990
  • The Crisis of a Republic by Teodoro Agoncillo, University of the Philippines Press, Quezon City.
  • White Love, Surveillance and Nationalist Resistance in the United States Colonization of the Philippines by Vince Rafael
  • The Star-Entangled Banner: One Hundred Years of America in the Philippines by Sharon Delmondo, 2004
  • Nationalism: a summons to greatness by Lorenzo M. Tañada; edited by Ileana Maramag, 1965
  • Cory Aquino: Person of the Century by Manuel L. Quezon III, Philippines Free Press, December 30, 1999.


Footnotes

  1. ^ The Manila Times Internet Edition (2006-02-10). Remembering Claro M. Recto. Press release. http://www.manilatimes.net/national/2006/feb/10/yehey/opinion/20060210opi5.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-29.
  2. ^ Luzadas, Jose. "THE UNEXPLAINED: OKR's Failure to Support Recto and Laurel in Rizal Bill". Order of the Knights of Rizal. http://www.RizalCanada.org/Pages/PermanentPages/ArticleRizalBill.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-29
  3. ^ a b c d Quezon, eManuel III (1999-12-30). "Cory Aquino: Person of the Century". Archives: Articles/Columns. Quezon.ph. http://www.quezon.ph/thecolumn.php?which=9. Retrieved on 2007-08-29.
  4. ^ The Worst Book of 2002. Review of The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power, by Max Boot. 2003 Retrieved March 17, 2009, from http://www.main.nc.us/books/books.cgi?theworstbookof2002.
  5. ^ Simbulan, Roland. Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines. 18 Aug. 2000. Retrieved March 17, 2009, from http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/filipinas/doc/cia.html.
  6. ^ The Worst Book of 2002. Review of The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power, by Max Boot. 2003. Retrieved on March 17, 2009, from http://www.main.nc.us/books/books.cgi?theworstbookof2002.
  7. ^ Simbulan, Roland. Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines. 18 August 2000. Retrieved on March 17, 2009, from http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/filipinas/doc/cia.html.


External links






Source: http://www.answers.com/topic/claro-m-recto


Saturday, May 02, 2009

Our (Filipino) Indifference to a Rape

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Bold and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."


The disrespect for us Filipinos and our homeland by the American military/government was again recently demonstrated by the Subic Rape Case. Even with the expiration of the American-imposed Bases Agreement, we Filipinos are still having the same problems with the US military. This time thanks to the VFA (which includes BIA and SOFA provisions) railroaded by our perennially subservient rulers.

In the original posting, I predicted --but hoped to be wrong-- that the Subic Rape Case will be a whitewash, as all crimes/offenses by US military personnel ended in the past decades. Now, after our court let go the other American servicemen who were active participants in the crime and has convicted only one, our homeland's rulers in a very anti-Filipino decision, acted to further please the Americans by returning (in the middle of the night) to the US military the convicted American soldier-rapist and thus not serving his sentence in our homeland (only a strong and bully nation can impose on willing native accomplices/rulers).

All these crimes, all these foreign insults and disrespect to native Filipinos in our own homeland will not stop until we study our nationalist history to learn and understand ourselves, to know the "how, what, when, and why" we have lost our Filipino nationalism. Thus our mendicancy and colonial mentality remain unchallenged, which have perpetually kept us without national dignity and sovereignty in our own homeland.

Our traitorous rulers allow them to occur because majority of us natives are mainly illiterate. It is only by knowing ourselves can we act to free our caged minds, to strongly require our rulers to fight for and recover our national dignity and sovereignty as a people. With knowledge and understanding, we native Filipinos can unite, demand and ensure that our rulers do their job, i.e. for the native Filipinos.

It is long overdue that we learn, realize and remember that our homeland and we the Filipino people do not count in the eyes of the American government and its military. Thus in the case of military rape and any other crime committed in our homeland by American servicemen, we will only be continually taken for granted and pressured to remain on our knees, with extended hand begging and being unquestioningly conditioned to be pro-American and anti-Filipino.

In my most recent posting Rape in the US Military, about rapes by American servicemen, it is instructive to know how difficult it is for American military women, regardless of military rank, to pursue their rape charges against fellow American military men. What more for a Filipina, civilian woman?

It is long overdue that we destroy our Americanized minds for the good of the native Filipino - maybe too late for our generation - but for the sake of the next generations of native Filipinos.


In below article, Fr. Shay Cullen (PREDA), who for decades has persistently spoken, exposed and fought against sexual exploitation in our homeland wonders why we natives have been quiet.

I wonder if we Filipinos are what we oftentimes are:"ningas kugon."

- Bert

"Those who profess to favor freedom
and yet deprecate agitation

are men who want crops without
plowing up the ground;
they want rain without thunder and
lightning.

They want the ocean without the
awful roar of its waters.
This struggle may be a moral one
or it may be a physical one

or it may be both moral and physical
but it must be a struggle.

Power concedes nothing without a
demand
It never did, and never will." – Frederick Douglass
,
American Abolitionist, Lecturer, Author and Slave, 1817-1895)



*************

The Inconvenient Contradictions
(republishing, copying, no restrictions)
By: Father Shay Cullen

A portrait of U.S. marine Lance Corporal Daniel Smith displayed by protesters during a rally outside the U.S. embassy in Manila April 24, 2009 to condemn the acquittal of Smith.

The outpouring of public concern and outrage over the acquittal and overturning of a rape conviction and a life sentence by the Philippine Court of Appeals against US Navy Marine Lance Corporal Daniel Smith, was less than expected. The public had been conditioned by the affidavit of desistance of the victim made last 8 March 2009. Soon after that the young woman, Nicole (not her real name), departed to the United States with a special immigrant visa, if not a green card and a generous financial gratuity by way of compensation. A deal had been done. The complainant was neutralized and the court could proceed with the expected acquittal.

The Court of Appeals division 11 is composed of three female judges. They ruled that they had ignored the affidavit of Nicole, but that she was not an innocent provincial girl but a woman of “indecorous behavior”. More or less saying that the victim had asked for it and was to blame. The ruling said in effect that the lower court had been wrong in convicting Smith of rape because the evidence showed that it was a “spontaneous unplanned romantic episode”. Indeed!

It ruled that semi-intoxicated Nicole, even though she was carried on the back of the marine to a van where the “spontaneous romantic episode” happened, gave her consent. Many have taken issue with this decision. But it was the only “political” decision possible.

For many Americans and Filipino officials and business leaders, it is unimaginable for a US marine to be imprisoned for life in a filthy, disease-ridden Philippine jail with criminals, rapists, rats and cockroaches. It would lead to unending protest rallies in the United States, and an end to all US investment and aid to the Philippines.

That was the reason the US government insisted on keeping Smith in the US Embassy and not in a Filipino jail. They were right, those jails are unfit for human habitation. They are still the abode of Filipino children and we wish many Filipinos would consider it unimaginable that children would be incarcerated with adult criminals and rats and rally to have them released.

But what a campaign it was for the activist groups during the past three years that saw rallies, marches and denunciations of US military rapists and women abusers. There were even calls by some opposition politicians for the Philippines to rescind the Visiting Forces Agreement(VFA) that allows US ships and planes to use the Philippines ports and airports and conduct military exercises. It was the widespread sexual exploitation of women and children by US servicemen and sex tourists in the honky-tonk bars of Olongapo and Angeles City and elsewhere that led to the campaign to close the bases and convert them to economic zones.

That was a ten year campaign that succeeded beyond our wildest dreams. It started the day in 1983, when I discovered 12 children, the youngest was 9 years-old, infected with venereal diseases and hidden away from the public and media in the Olongapo city general hospital by the mayor and US admiral. Not even the Red Cross came to save them. Exposing that nearly cost me my life.

The bases are closed since 1992 and hundreds of manufacturing enterprises, hotels, and family tourist resorts employ as many as 80,000 Filipinos with dignified work. While the bases went away, the sex industry did not completely die. It reemerged in 1996 run by the international sex mafia with thousands of European and Australian sex tourists and retired US servicemen enjoying the sexual exploitation of young women and children they once enjoyed.

Today, sex slavery is growing and thousands of women and children are trafficked into the sex clubs that proliferate across the land from the cities to the seaside resorts. Child rape, prostitution of children, forced abortions and every kind of sexual exploitation is rampant. There are no campaigns, rallies nor marches for them. Why not? Thousands of foreigners are doing this every day and night in sex bars, clubs and hotels across the land and it is just as evil and wrong and outrageous as what the marchers and protesters said Daniel Smith did to Nicole and there is not a placard of protest to be seen. END

Source: http://www.preda.org/archives/2009/r09042901.html