Showing posts with label Bulatlat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bulatlat. Show all posts

Monday, January 09, 2012

The Ailing Philippine Education System and the K + 12 Doomed to Fail


"EDUCATION... has produced a vast population able to read but unable to distinguish what is worth reading, an easy prey to sensations and cheap appeals." - G. M. Trevelyan (1876-1962, British Historian )


“A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.” – Martin Luther King, Jr.


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PLEASE DONATE CORE SUBJECT BOOKS TO OUR HOMELAND (i.e. your hometown public schools, alma mater, etc.). Those books that you and/or your children do not need or want; or buy books from your local library during its cheap Book Sales. It is a small sacrifice. Also, cargo/door-to-door shipment is best.

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NOTES TO READERS:  Colored and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posts/articles. Forwarding this and other posts to relatives and friends, especially those in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. To share, use all social media tools: email, blog, Google+, Tumblr,Twitter,Facebook, etc. THANKS!!
Click the following underlined title/link to checkout these Essential/Primary Readings About Us Filipino Natives:
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“There is no literate population in the world that is poor; there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)

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Hi All,

I have touched on the issue of Philippine Educational System in previous posts and am re-posting/updating some of my comments: 


Causes and Effects:


The causes of the problem in our homeland's educational system are many, most significant being: lack of resources -less available money mainly due to mis-allocation of funds and corruption, which in turn lead to lack of good books, ineffective teachers, poor facilities (not conducive to learning), inadequate school supplies to facilitate teaching, etc. And add the fact that many school kids are hungry. We know an empty stomach in school does not aid learning.



Why don't we have enough funding for public schools? There is no honest desire on the part of the government officials to provide more funding to improve the public school system (PSS). The PSS is not anymore a national priority from the time of the Marcos Dictatorship, whereby the decline and deterioration started. In addition, the Dictatorship needed the military and made sure the military gets more and more of the budget pie. This practice has continued till today and will in the foreseeable future, with succeeding governments and politicians who are mostly self-serving and traitorous to the present and future generations of our native Filipinos.

And corruption in the PSS continues unchecked and thus makes things worse. Marcos' successors brought precipitous decline in the educational quality because of their prioritizing the payment of odious foreign debts  which have compounded each subsequent year. These so-called leaders would rather have the native populace suffer the adverse consequences of the Structural Adjustment Programs(SAP) imposed by the (IMF/WB on the common good.

Rather than capitalizing on the global popularity of the so-called EDSA "Revolution" (1986) by using such as leverage to request payment moratorium from and/or refusing payment of the odious debts, the naive and incompetent Cory Aquino first kowtowed to foreigners instead and promised to pay religiously as before even if doing so deprives the impoverished populace of the immediate and necessary social programs, including education, health care, improved infrastructure and other public services. (despite her supposed and publicized religiosity).

Current Educational Goals:


As to the present goals of the educational system: during the Dictatorship, Marcos followed the dictates and plans of the IMF/WB as to the direction of our PSS and educational system as a whole; that is, to provide cheap labor to Multinational/Transnational/Global corporations. But now, the IMF/WB plan itself is messed up by the fact that by joining the WTO in 1995, thanks to the Fidel Ramos/GMA tandem, most manufacturing transnationals have shut down and/or moved out of the country to go to China and other lower waged countries, such is the logic of business/capitalism of maximizing profits. Thus we are faced with graduates, regardless of whether deserving or not, with much less available jobs in their chosen professions/studies.

In reality,there were few professional/non-professional jobs to begin with even during pre-martial law times, given the absence of significant industrialization. Furthermore, despite the fact that ours is considered an agricultural economy with a greater part of the labor force in it, even graduates of agricultural schools do not have much job opportunities since there are only a few companies, e.g. San Miguel, which are into agribusiness. Large landowners, who mostly are not entrepreneurs, do not go into nor want to invest in agribusiness and industrial manufacturing and are actually part of the sociological obstacles to economic progress as these belong to the aristocratic elite, who are mainly a risk-averse class and thus indulge in rent-capitalism..

Nowadays, mere survival has become the paramount issue for most students, graduates and families -giving credence to Maslow's Theory on the ”Hierarchy of Needs” (or for the most part simple common sense). Thus the schooled individual, not necessarily "educated", gets/takes a job -better chances if connected- regardless of whether he/she is thus underemployed, grabs any menial job abroad, swallowing all his pride at best and sacrificing his dignity at worst, and leaving family and love ones.

Why have OFWs?


Why do the government and politicians enthusiastically support the export of OFWs? To pay for our odious foreign debt, to not plan for the common good, to have more money to steal and to have a safety-relief valve that would delay/prevent a real revolution due to rising expectations, the government and politicians have thus encouraged and begged other countries to allow our primary export earner -the OFWs- to come to their countries, of course trading off our national patrimony and sovereignty; as beggars are not choosers.

Where poverty and impoverishment are the norm, gambling and alcoholic drinks seem to provide the unfortunate: the source of income they can not earn through productive and creative work; and the escape from realities for the moment. While I was at SMC's Corporate Planning Department, my bright economist-colleagues demonstrated this correlation for beer-sales forecasting.

As how to change the educational system, I say it is naivete at best, ignorance at worst to even hope for reform. As in other national or local issues in the homeland, the people who wield influence and power, the ruling elite: aristocrats, politicians, businessmen, military brass, foreign investors, many wealthy resident/naturalized aliens, do not care.

Only a nationalist revolution can make fundamental changes. Only a revolution with the support of an informed, nationalistic coalition of the native Filipinos can offer possibilities for such changes and without falling prey to insincere leadership (as we have learned much from many of our ilustrados then and now so-called educated in the history of our people) that will rise out of the struggle. Whether the dwindling, native educated middle class can work with the impoverished native majority is the big question.


All the above may sound rhetorical but that is where a deeper and serious analysis will ultimately lead a concerned one to conclude. To not do so, to see only the trees and not the forest, to scratch the itch and not remove the cancer, to treat the symptoms and not the disease, is not to address and uproot the real causes of the people's predicament.

To still believe and work in the present political-economic system to reform itself is like exercising freedom within a caged Filipino mind.

Below essay from the alternative/progressive press BULATLAT discusses the most recent government plans for our educational system.


- Bert



"Certain marks of colonization are still manifested by the people. I have arbitrarily identified these marks as dependence, subservience and compromise." (I add compromise of our homeland and at our peoples' expense, Bert) - Dr. Pura-Santillan Castrence 

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YEARENDER: The ailing education system and the K + 12 that is doomed to fail
Posted By Anne Marxze Umil On January 6, 2012 @ 1:06 pm In * Latest Posts,Education,Top Stories | 
“Even if the curriculum is changed but the existing problems of shortages are not addressed, quality education will still not be attained.” – France Castro, Alliance of Concerned Teachers

By ANNE MARXZE D. UMIL

MANILA –To save the ailing education system in the Philippines, President Benigno S. Aquino III and Education Sec. Armin Luistro declared that their education reform agenda would center on the implementation of the K + 12 program. Patterned after the education system of other countries, the K + 12 program aims to increase the number of years of basic education.

According to a primer produced by the Department of Education (DepEd), the K + 12 program would require students to undergo universal kindergarten, six years of elementary education (Grades 1-6), four years of junior high school (Grades 7-10 or 1st year to 4th year high school) and two years of senior high school (Grades 11-12 or 5th year to 6th year).

This was precipitated by the low scores Filipino students got in national and international achievement tests, especially the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). Developed by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), the TIMSS is an international assessment of the math and science knowledge of fourth and eighth grade students around the world. First administered in 1995, the TIMSS is being conducted every four years.

The mandatory universal Kindergarten was implemented this school year (2011-2012). In school year 2012-2013 the new curriculum under K to 12 program will be introduced to incoming Grade 1 and first year high school students. The senior high school will be implemented in school year 2016-2017.

However, progressive teachers and student groups remain skeptical that the K + 12 program would save the ailing education system in the country.

“What the government should prioritize are the shortages in the basic education system like classrooms, books, chairs and teachers,” France Castro, secretary-general of Alliance of Concerned Teachers said.

Even DepEd’s data shows that there are thousands of shortages of chairs, classrooms, books, and most importantly teachers. The mandatory kindergarten made the 152,569 shortages in classrooms more pronounced. Worse are the shortages in teachers. Currently, there is a shortage of 103,599 teachers.

ACT calls the implementation of universal kindergarten a disaster because in schools such as the Corazon Aquino Elementary School in Batasan, Quezon City, the five-year old pupils lacked chairs to sit on and were cramped in the few classrooms made available [3].

Castro said ACT also wants Filipino children to have quality education. But she finds no reason to be optimistic because of the perennial shortages.

“They [Dep Ed officials] won’t listen anymore. It’s like they’re deaf,” Castro said disappointed. Castro said a summit was held last Dec. 12 on the K to12 curriculum attended by DepEd officials and public school teachers. She said they raised the problem of shortages as an obstacle to the orderly implementation of the K to12 basic education program but to no avail.

Kindergarten disaster
According to ACT, the implementation of Kindergarten was not included in the 2011 budget of P207 billion ($4.7 billion). Because the program was not made into law, according to ACT, there was no allocation for its implementation. And because there was no fund allocation, instead of hiring regular teachers, the DepEd hired volunteer teachers who they paid a meager P3,000 ($69.76) per class.

To address the shortage of classrooms, pupils were put in whatever space was available in elementary schools. In DepEd order No. 37, libraries, science laboratories, home economics buildings, resource centers and other available spaces were identified for use of kindergarten classes.

According to Salinlahi Alliance for Children’s Concerns, there should be one chair per pupil, one comfort room per classroom since the children are not yet toilet trained and one teacher for a maximum of 25 pupils. “These are the prerequisites of a Kindergarten program. But since there is no budget for this program this is not happening in many elementary schools in the country obviously because, first and foremost, the DepEd did not really prepare for this program,” said Melissa San Miguel, spokeswoman of Salinlahi.

Government’s neglect of social services like education is reflected in the budget. Though DepEd had the biggest allocation for 2012, the P234 billion ($5.3 billion) budget is still insufficient to address the shortages.

Under the Aquino administration, the budget of DepEd was increased. From P175 billion ($4 million) in 2010, Aquino increased the budget to P207 billion this year. “For 2011, it is a welcome development that there was a slight increase in the budget for basic education. Yet, despite this increase, it is crucial to note that the increase remains grossly insufficient in addressing the needs of basic education,” Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymund Palatino said.

The following table shows the shortages and the plans of the Aquino administration to address the shortages.






This lack of budget, regrettably, did not ensure a smooth school opening as shortages in textbooks, chairs, classrooms and teachers continue to plague basic education, said Palatino. “The insufficient government spending to basic social services like education remains to be a major issue that paralyzes the qualitative functioning of our education system.”

Not for free
Suzzana De Jesus, principal of Demetrio Tuazon Elementary School admitted that not everything in public schools is for free.

“Since what we need here in school like books and other learning materials are not provided to us ahead of time we really have to sell these in order to provide the students their books,” De Jesus said in an interview with Bulatlat.com.

Even as the DepEd announced time and again that no fees would be charged to students, the insufficient budget allocation forced teachers to sell not only learning materials but also pad papers, pencils, even snacks.

That is why the idea of another two years in basic education is an added burden [4] to some mothers. In a news report, a mother of five said, “It is difficult, giving them snacks every time they go to school plus their transportation.”

Because of poverty, many students are forced to dropout from school. In 2008, for every 100 pupils who enter grade one, only 66 finish grade six; for every 58 students who enroll in first year high school, only 23 enter college and only 14 graduate.

Palatino said, “A quick glance at the outside world is enough to provide us a concrete face for these out-of-school youths – they are the young workers in construction, they are the young involved in drugs and prostitution, they are the sellers who knock at out car windows, they are the passionate dreamers who painfully awaken to the grim reality that they just have to waive their dreams of becoming scientists, doctors, engineers, teachers.”

In haste again
In an interview with Bulatlat.com, Castro said there are still gray areas in the K to12 program.
“A massive retooling and retraining of teachers will be needed in order to teach students in senior high school,” Castro pointed out.

She added that the training of teachers would require a substantial budget. However there is no identified budget for it.

Castro also said that at this stage, the DepEd is still finalizing the curriculum. “After finalizing the curriculum, they (DepEd) will have to come up with the textbooks, then the teacher’s manual. When will these be finalized? We will have our training this summer. What will be the content of our training if the requisites are not even ready?”

There is also a drastic change in the curriculums of Math and Science in the K to12 program, said Castro. A spiral curriculum will be used in implementing the K to12 program. Under the spiral curriculum, according to the Education.com website [5] students repeat the study of a subject at different grade levels, each time at a higher level of difficulty and in greater depth.

However, being a teacher herself, Castro said this approach is not advisable. “This approach is not really helping the students. That is why we would prefer teaching them pure Algebra or Statistics because it sticks to them. In a spiral curriculum, the students tend to forget the lessons previously taken because of its chopsuey design.”

Chopsuey is a Chinese cuisine in which different kinds of vegetables are mixed together. In the implementation of K to12, one subject like Science for example will be divided into four classifications/specializations for the whole school year. In this method, according to Castro, more than one teacher will tackle one subject like Science. DepEd said there would be team teaching.

“For example, in Science, one teacher who specialize in general science will teach it during the first grading period, A teacher who specializes in biology will teach during the second grading period, and a teacher specializing in chemistry will teach during the third grading period,” Castro explained.

Castro pointed out that this approach requires teachers with specializations. The huge number of shortages in teachers will definitely make it difficult to fill in the needed teacher positions. “A chemistry teacher cannot teach biology simply because that is not her undergraduate course ”

She also added that there is still no final curriculum that they will use for the implementation of the K to12 program. Castro said the DepEd and Tesda presented different curriculums during the Dec. 12 summit. The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) said they are still not ready.

The DepEd, Tesda and CHED are the lead agencies that will ensure the smooth transition from the existing 10 year education cycle to the K to 12 basic education cycle.

Castro criticized the government’s haste in implementing K+12 program without concrete and careful planning. “What the DepEd is trying to show here is that they are accomplishing something. The implementation is once again in haste, which is why the result would be a disaster. They do not foresee the possibilities.”

Addressing the wrong problem, coming up with a non–solution
In his privilege speech delivered in Congress, Kabataan Party-list Rep. Raymond Palatino said, “I very much understand that added learning and training period in elementary and high school could be beneficial for our youth. The K to 12 proposal, however, is rendered problematic by the context within which it is set to be implemented and the direction it intends to take,” Palatino said.

Palatino pointed out that the length of school-cycle has nothing to do with the quality of education. Citing the study entitled “Length of school cycle and ‘quality’ of education”, Palatino said, educators Abraham Felipe and Carolina Porio found out that “there is no correlation between the length of school cycle and the quality of education.” By using TIMSS as basis of the study, Palatino said the findings underscore that some countries with the same school-cycle as the Philippines have high scores; other countries with longer cycles than the Philippines have lower scores.

Palatino also added that the framework of the K to 12 program is to produce cheap semi-skilled workers for the global market. “In addition to this issue of non-correlation between the length of school-cycle and quality of education, it is important that we also grasp the framework of K to 12. Simply put: the plan wants to rapidly generate employable high school graduates that will fill in the demands of the foreign market [6].”

Castro stressed, “The major problem here that needs to be addressed is the shortages. But instead of addressing this, the DepEd is implementing programs that are not really the solution to the problem. It’s obvious here that they are not recognizing it (the shortages).”

Even DepEd Sec. Armin Luistro said the K to12 program would not solve the existing problems of the country like unemployment. “He said in the summit that K to12 will not assure the students that they will have jobs after their six years in high school. It came from his mouth that K to12 is just an attempt to help solve the problem of education but it is not the solution,” said Castro.

“Even if the curriculum is changed but the existing problems of shortages are not addressed, quality education will still not be attained. What only awaits the students this coming school year 2012-2013 is chaos.”

Palatino stressed that to genuinely improve the quality of basic education; the government should put a stop to plugging the dreams of the people to the demands of the foreign market. “Instead, our focus should be completely re-oriented to produce a holistically trained workforce that contributes to national industrialization and development.” 

(http://bulatlat.com) [1]

Article printed from Bulatlat: http://bulatlat.com/main

SOURCE: URL to article: http://bulatlat.com/main/2012/01/06/yearender-the-ailing-education-system-and-the-k-12-that-is-doomed-to-fail/

URLs in this post:

[1] Bulatlat.com: http://bulatlat.com
[2] Still struggling to teach with so little: http://bulatlat.com/main/2012/01/06/still-struggling-to-teach-with-so-little/
[3] few classrooms made available: http://bulatlat.com/main/2011/06/18/shortages-this-school-year-have-become-worse-with-kindergarten-program-act/
[4] another two years in basic education is an added burden: http://bulatlat.com/main/2010/10/16/youth-groups-say-adding-two-more-years-to-basic-education-not-a-solution-but-an-added-burden/
[5] Education.com website: http://www.education.com/definition/spiral-curriculum/
[6] foreign market: http://bulatlat.com/main/2011/06/09/deped-program-k12-will-only-reinforce-labor-export-policy%E2%80%94league-of-filipino-students/

Tuesday, March 04, 2008

16 Years of Agrarian (Land) Reform: Are Filipino Peasants Better Off Now? (Part 2 of 2)

"How can a genuine agrarian reform program be legislated by a landlord-dominated Congress and signed by a landlord President?"

Notes: Bold, colored and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posting/article. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends,especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. To share, use all social media tools: email, blog, Google+, Tumblr,Twitter,Facebook, etc. THANKS!!

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The government claims that the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) is a success, even if it was supposed to end in 1998 but got extended until 2008 due to delays in the distribution of land. Farmers, on the other hand, claim to still experience feudal bondage and brand CARP as a bogus reform program. What is the truth behind the CARP’s accomplishment? How are the farmer-beneficiaries doing at present? This special report seeks to shed light on what has happened to the program, and, more importantly, the farmers, 16 years after CARP’s implementation.


In 1988, the government through Republic Act No. 6657 began implementing the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP). It sought to distribute lands to about 8.5 million landless peasants, share tenants and agricultural workers “to liberate them from the clutches of landlordism and poverty.” 

After 16 years, the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), the government agency tasked to implement CARP, reported that it distributed around 3.4 million hectares of lands to some 1.9 million beneficiaries as of May 2004. It now aims to distribute some 1.3 million hectares in the next four years.

Based on its past performance, however, the government seems not only unable to do what it preaches but more alarmingly has shown itself incapable of freeing the peasant masses from centuries-old feudal bondage or even improve the tenant-beneficiaries’ productivity. 

Amid what critics said are the flaws and the emasculation of CARP, government may claim that land may have been given to many farmers. But the vast majority of land toilers remain poor forcing even many of what government had identified as tenant-beneficiaries to sell, mortgage or abandon their lands. In an ironic twist of fate, studies show that CARP lands have been gradually turned over back to the landlords.


Widening gap

A World Bank (WB) study cited by Ibon Foundation in a 1987 report estimated that in 1971, 2.3 million families in the rural areas or about 57 percent of the total rural population could not meet their basic needs. By 1983, the same study showed that while the percentage of rural families below the poverty line fell to 45 percent, the number of rural poor swelled to 2.6 million families. This pre-CARP agrarian situation seems to have persisted even after 16 years of the land reform program. The latest WB study showed that the number of the poor in the Philippines actually increased in the rural provinces by more than 300,000 between 1997 and 2003.

What proved to be very striking is that the income disparity between the rich and the poor widened. In 1994, the top 10 percent earned an average income that was 19 times greater than the income of the bottom 10 percent of the population. In 2003, however, this gap went up to 24 times greater between the top and bottom 10 percent income deciles, leading to a further marginalization of the poor and underprivileged.


Gains

But according to the DAR, there were gains in improving the living standards of the farmers benefited by the land reform program. The department’s latest CARP impact assessment study compared poverty incidence in rural areas between 1990 and 2000 and, in the same period, between Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries (ARBs) and non-ARBs. 

Poverty incidence refers to the proportion of families with per capita income below the annual poverty threshold of P11,605 ($207.68, based on exchange rate of P55.88 per US dollar) or such number of families of five earning below P4,835 monthly.
In the countryside, poverty incidence in 2000 was registered at 47.4 percent or three percent higher in 1990, the impact study said. But poverty incidence among ARBs went down from 47.6 percent in 1990 to 45.2 percent in 2000, showing positive impact of CARP on farmer-beneficiaries.

 It looks like however that whatever improvements had been made on the living standards of ARBs compared to non-ARBs, have not influenced the general economic condition in the countryside as the incidence of poverty nationwide seemed to have even risen.

The claim about reduced poverty incidence should be seen in light of the fact that ARBs constitute only 5 percent to 10 percent of the total farming communities in the Philippines. Even if this is true, said Raul Espere, research officer of the Center for Peasant Education and Services (CPES), it should not gloss over the fact that among the rest of the peasant population poverty has worsened.

An earlier survey made by the Institute of Agrarian Studies of the University of the Philippines in Los Baños, Laguna showed that farm yields in agrarian reform communities (ARCs) are either close to or exceed national averages. ARC rice communities with a land distribution record of more than 76 percent show a yield higher than the national average of 2.93 metric tons per hectare.

In other ARCs where land distribution is completed, the average yield is 2.0 metric tons per hectare for corn and 1.7 metric tons per hectare for coconut as against the national average of 1.5 metric tons and 1.3 metric tons, respectively. In contrast, CARP beneficiaries outside ARCs harvest less than the ARC beneficiaries but are better off than non-beneficiaries, the same study revealed.

The ARC approach was launched by government in 1993 as a development strategy. Government intervention through the strategy sought to deliver support services faster and more efficiently for agrarian reform beneficiaries living in ARCs. But there were only 3,364 ARCs nationwide representing, so a DAR impact assessment admitted, only about 15 percent of all agrarian reform areas. 

Beneficiaries in ARCs, numbering about 496,322, comprised less than 25 percent of total CARP beneficiaries. Given the estimated over 10 million Filipino farmers today, the number of ARC beneficiaries is less than five percent and hence, could hardly have any large-scale impact toward reducing poverty.

Poor and landless

In Tarlac province, about 100 kms north of Manila, Hacienda Luisita (H.L.) was once touted as a showcase of the land reform program. Here, however, CARP has failed to win the hearts and minds of farmers: In recent random interviews, they told Bulatlat.com that their lives have been ruined further because of CARP. Luisita is owned by the family of former President Corazon Cojuangco Aquino.

One of the workers, Francisco Nakpil, is an agricultural worker in the sugarcane plantation of Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI) for 45 years. When the Stock Distribution Options (SDO) scheme under CARP was introduced in the hacienda in 1989, Nakpil became one of the 7,000 workers who became instant “stockholders” of the agro-corporation. 

Within 30 years under this scheme, hacienda owners were to transfer 32 percent of the total stocks of the company to the farm workers.For the past 15 years, Nakpil received an average daily wage of P9, a sack of rice every month, a P4,000 educational loan every June and an average annual three percent profit share of around P2,000.

Based on reasonable market price equivalents of the material benefits, Nakpil was in effect getting an average yearly income of P17,760 - or P48.66 daily. For being an HLI stockholder, he also got a 240 square meter home lot. Yet, has Nakpil become richer through the land reform program? 

Today at 62, Nakpil says he has only a home lot souvenir from the HLI, a P20,000 separation pay, and some P2,600 monthly pension from the Social Security System. His retirement ended his profit share from the HLI. He does not have land to pass on to his children. His monthly pension gave him just P86 a day that can hardly meet his family’s needs. And so his answer in Filipino: “I am poor, past and present.”


Indebted

The case of CARP and Presidential Decree No. 27 (land reform under then President Ferdinand Marcos) beneficiaries who were compelled to join the 30,000-ha. grand cassava plantation joint project of San Miguel Corporation (SMC) and the provincial government of Isabela is a striking example of how farmers have become poorer over the years despite purported land ownership. SMC is controlled by Eduardo Cojuangco, another member of the Cojuangco clan.

Contrary to promise that they would earn thousands of pesos, as IBON Foundation reported in July last year, most farmers who planted cassava to supply the needs of SMC incurred huge debts because of the high cost of production. In Barangay (village) Luna, Quirino town, 40 farmers planted cassava covering more than 119 hectares. Came the first harvest, farmers incurred almost P1.6 million or $28,632.78 (with interest) in debt from a cooperative that lent the production capital. This means that each farmer owed the cooperative an average of P40,000 ($715.82).

Under the lending scheme, the cooperative has the right to take over the lands of farmers who have incurred debts. The contract states that two consecutive harvest seasons of failure to make profit are enough grounds for a takeover. Many farmers failed to make any profit after the first harvest. The cooperative terms obviously pushed the farmers into deeper poverty and bankruptcy. Some of them lost their land titles to the cooperative. Apparently, the cassava project in Isabela reverses what little “accomplishments” agrarian reform achieved.


Undelivered

The poverty situation, as depicted in Tarlac and Isabela, is aggravated by undelivered promises of CARP. DAR claims to have distributed lands at an average of 112,000 hectares per year. If true and at this pace, the balance of around 930,000 hectares will be completed in about eight more years or by 2010, two years past the 2008 deadline set by Congress under Republic Act No. 8534 during the term of President Fidel Ramos.
Based on this projection, which became the basis for the CARP’s extended term, DAR should be able to distribute at least 200,000 hectares yearly beginning 1998 to fully implement the adjusted working scope of 4.3 hectares in about six years. By this year, the entire country should have been declared free from land acquisition and distribution. These earlier projections, however, never materialized. On top of this, there are more than 40,000 cases of land conflicts and other issues pending before the DAR Adjudication Board and regular courts.


Unchanged

As far as David Erro, executive director of a Quezon City-based foundation Sentro Para sa Tunay na Repormang Agraryo (Sentra – Center for Genuine Agrarian Reform), is concerned CARP is not for the landless peasants. “It is an instrument of the landed elite to make the landless believe that someday they will own the land they till and so pacify the restlessness in the countryside. But, owing to several loopholes of the law, the landlords find their way to continuously control the land,” he told Bulatlat.com.

Another Sentra lawyer, Jobert Pahilga, said, “The lack of political will to implement a genuine land-to-the-tiller reform is understandable in a government that is dominated by a landed elite.”

Based on their experience in rendering free legal assistance to poor farmers, Erro said, Ang panalo ng mga magsasaka na magkaroon ng lupa o mapanatiling sa kanila ang lupa ay wala sa Kongreso o sa korte. Kapag nagkakaisa sila at determinadong manatili sa kanilang lupang binubungkal, handang ipaglaban ito at paunlarin nang sama-sama, saka lamang nagiging siguradong sa kanila ang lupa(The chance of the farmers to own land or to ensure that the land remain theirs is not found in Congress or in the courts. If they unite and are determined to remain in the land they till, are prepared to fight and improve the land, that’s the only time they can be sure that the land will be theirs.)

Several Sentra farmer-clients have lost their battles in the court, according to David, but they have won their lands when they decided to stay in the lands and fight for them.

Danilo Ramos, secretary general of the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP – Peasant Movement in the Philippines), agreed with both lawyers but went further into blaming the government and the World Trade Organization (WTO) for consigning farmers to a life of perpetual feudal and semi-feudal exploitation.

He said that the farmers’ sorry plight with bogus agrarian reform programs of the past and the present administrations got even worse with agricultural trade liberalization due to the WTO. Because Filipino farmers are naturally disadvantaged against highly-subsidized farmers in industrialized and industrializing countries, Ramos explained, most of the country’s farmers are not only becoming landless but broke as well. 

-With additional research by Ma. Jessica Ocasla and John Thomas Sipin / Bulatlat.com


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Ex-President’s Hacienda Workers Score Crackdown
Since early May, 100 sugar workers in the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita have been recruited to the Citizens’ Armed Forces Geographical Unit (Cafgu). These paramilitary forces augment the Alpha Company of the 69th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA) that maintains two detachments inside the hacienda making it the most militarized area in the province of Tarlac.

By Dabet Castañeda
Bulatlat.com


When a militant farm worker won the presidency of a union in Hacienda Luisita, the military’s presence was immediately reinforced by the recruitment of paramilitary men. This is hardly a coincidence based on the developments in Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac, some 120 kms north of Manila.

Hacienda Luisita, Inc. (HLI) is owned and operated by the family of former president Corazon Cojuangco-Aquino. It has a total land area of 6,453 hectares and covers 10 barangays (villages) in the towns of La Paz and Concepcion in the province of Tarlac in Central Luzon.

Since early May, 100 sugar farm workers in this hacienda have been recruited to the Citizens’ Armed Forces Geographical Unit (Cafgu). These paramilitary forces augment the Alpha Company of the 69th Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army (IBPA) that maintains two detachments inside the hacienda, one in Brgy. Pando and another in Brgy Texas. 

Ten Cafgus have been organized in the villages of Pando, Motrico, Astirias, Texas, Bantog, Cutcut, Balete, Mapalacsiao, Parang and Mabilog. The recruitment coincided with the elections for the new set of officers of the United Luisita Workers Union (ULWU), the union of the hacienda’s 5,339 sugar farm workers.

For the first time since its inception in 2001, the Alyansa ng mga Manggagawang Bukid sa Hacienda Luisita (Ambala), or the Alliance of Farm Workers in Hacienda Luista), a militant sugar farm workers’ group, fielded six of its officers and members to run for the union leadership.

Of the six, only Boyet Galang, who ran for the presidency, won. Galang is also the chairperson of Ambala.

Since the campaign started, said Karina Espino, secretary general of Ambala, the Cafgu and the military have harassed the candidates and the farm workers belonging to their group. Espino also ran for treasurer in the union elections but lost.
Ang mga military, kasama ang mga Cafgu ay umiikot sa loob ng asyenda at ipinagtatanong kung saan nakatira ang mga opisyal ng Ambala (The military, together with the Cafgu, roam around the hacienda and ask around where the Ambala officers live), said Espino in an interview with Bulatlat.com in Quezon City.

Last June 2 during a campaign sortie at the covered court inside Balete, Espino said soldiers encircled the crowd while Galang was delivering a speech. The soldiers left the area only after the activity was over. The following day, two military vehicles tailed the union candidates while they were holding a motorcade.

Espino said the presence of the military and paramilitary forces inside the hacienda is a ploy by the HLI management:
  • to intimidate the voters and 
  • force them not to vote for the progressive candidates from Ambala.

The workers union

In an earlier interview with Bulatlat.com, Galang said that ULWU officers did not represent the sentiments of most of the HLI sugar farm workers.

He described the outgoing president, Boy Sigua, as a “bayarang maton” (paid goon) of the Cojuangcos and a “yellow leader.” “Kasabwat siya sa panunupil sa aming mga karapatan (at) sa pagkakait ng aming kabuhayan” (He is an accomplice to the repression of our rights and to the deprivation of our livelihood.), he said. The farmer leader said Sigua has always taken the side of the Cojuangcos in the sugar farm workers’ struggle against diminishing man days, land conversion, retrenchment and the Stock Distribution Option (SDO).

Their active participation in the elections is for the promotion of the sugar farm workers’ rights and welfare through their union, Galang said. In the union elections last June 6, Sigua lost to Galang by around 850 votes. Galang will assume his post on July 1, according to HLI election chair Roberto Agustin.


The SDO

When Aquino came to power in 1986 after a people power revolt that toppled the Marcos dictatorship, one of her flagship programs was the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP).

The CARP was aimed at addressing the need for a genuine land reform program. One of its provisions was to transfer the ownership of land to small farmers including sugar farm workers.

In HLI’s case, critics said however, the Aquino family used CARP to keep the hacienda ownership.

One of the provisions of the CARP was the Stock Distribution Option (SDO) that distributed shares of stock to beneficiaries instead of subdividing the hacienda and distributing the land to small farmers. HLI was established on August 23, 1988 as a spin-off corporation of the Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO) to operationalize the SDO in Hacienda Luisita.

In the same year, the HLI distributed certificates of shares of stocks to more than 6,000 sugar farm workers, technically making them co-owners of the hacienda.
Galang said the SDO virtually made the farm workers give up their rightful claim to the agricultural lands of the hacienda in exchange for meager shares of capital stock and production shares.

“The SDO formula in HLI was used by the Cojuangcos to evade physical land distribution and has in fact strengthened their control over the hacienda,” said Galang.
Stocks and production shares are distributed on the basis of the number of man days (working days). The amount of shares equivalent to each day of work determines individual shares of each qualified farm worker.

As a farm worker is guaranteed only 80 man days a year, the shares of capital stock amount to P737 ($13.19, based on exchange rate of P55.88 per US dollar) a year while production shares do not go beyond P1,120 ($20.04).


Diminishing man days

As workload is sufficient during the milling season (i.e., October to November), there are four to five man days or working days per sugar farm worker per week. It stretches to six days during the planting season in December. During the off-milling season (i.e., January to September), sugar farm workers only have two man days a week.

For each man day, a seasonal sugar farm worker receives a gross pay of P199.17 ($3.56) and for casuals, P194 ($3.47) which translates to a maximum of P1,327.80 ($23.76) and P1,296 ($23.19), respectively, per month based on 80 guaranteed man days. In one year, seasonal sugar farm workers receive P15,933.60 ($285.14) and casuals, P15,520 ($277.74).

Based on their pay slips, however, the workers’ take home pay is P9.50 ($0.17) a day or less than P20 ($0.36) a week as loans and taxes are deducted from their salary. Galang said the diminishing man days are significantly affected by land-use conversion and mechanization in the hacienda. Since 1988, guaranteed man days have drastically dropped as the demand for manual work fell.

“Pinapalitan na ng mga makina ang mga manggagawang bukid sa hacienda” (Machines replace the farm workers in the hacienda.), he said. He said that the HLI management has acquired high-tech machines for farming, sprinkling, fertilizer dissemination and harvesting. The management has so far acquired two hurricanes used for sprinkling, four targets and around ten mechanical planters.


Land conversion

When the hacienda was acquired by the Cojuangcos in 1958, the total land area for sugar was 7,200 hectares. At present, sugar plantations only cover 3,200 hectares due to land-use conversion.

Since the mid-1980s, the Cojuangcos have started to turn HLI from a sugar plantation to an industrial, commercial and residential area. Through this, the new companies within the hacienda allowed the Cojuangco family to reap millions of pesos in profit. Documents acquired by Ambala show that the Cojuangcos earned not less than P750 million ($13.42 million) from 1998 to 2002 alone. 

Parts of the hacienda were converted into the Luisita Golf and Country Club (70 hectares) and the Luisita Industrial Park (Phase 1, 120 hectares; Phase 2, 500 hectares). Japanese investors also came in by developing the 500-hectare Central Techno Park.

Several hectares have also been converted to allow the planned Subic-Clark-Tarlac Expressway to wedge through the.

Exclusive residential lands have also risen including the Family Park Homes Subdivision, the Don Pepe Cojuangco Subdivision (Phases 1 to 4), and the Las Haciendas Industrial Subdivision while the St. Luis Subdivision is under development.

“Sabi ng management, makabubuti daw ang pagtatayo ng mga pabrika sa loob ng asyenda dahil makapagbibigay daw ito ng trabaho sa mga mamamayan dito pero malaking kalokohan lang yan” (According to management, the building of factories inside the hacienda is good since it will give jobs to the residents but this is a big lie), Galang said.

He said that of the total labor force in the LPI, only 5 percent come from the residents of the hacienda. Galang says the employers refuse to take in residents from the hacienda on the pretext that they are unqualified and that they are known to be “militant.”

Lalong hindi tinatanggap kung nalaman nila na anak ng kasapi sa Ambala. Iniisip nila, baka magtayo lang ng unyon dun ang mga it” (The sons of Ambala members are especially not accepted. Employers think that they may organize unions), he added.


Retrenchment

Now of the 5,339 sugar farm workers in the HLI, 2,500 are set to be “de-listed” from the master list. To make this possible, Galang said, the HLI management started to push for the early retirement scheme and to approach several master list members to secretly make them sign a waiver or a “quit claim.”

A five-page document secured by Bulatlat.com revealed a letter being dangled by the management set to be “submitted” to Ricardo C. Lopa Jr., farm manager of the HLI. According to the letter, HLI distributed a memorandum dated July 24, 2003 regarding the optional/early retirement program. It suggested that if signed, the employee would be given benefits but would be terminated from his or her work in the sugar farm.

A second letter, also signed by Lopa, stated that the HLI is restrained to undertake a Manpower Reduction Program because of “adverse business conditions.”

A third letter, which had the name of Lopa in the letterhead, signified the willingness of the sugar farm worker to be included in the list of employees to be retrenched by the HLI.
The fourth and fifth pages are forms for the official Release, Waiver and Quit Claim.


For workers’ rights and welfare

The Ambala officers’ decision to run for seats in the union is to advance the rights and welfare of the sugar farm workers in the hacienda.

Sawa na kami sa mga dilawang lider ng aming unyon. Dapat nang pamunuan ito ng mga tunay na militante at makabayang lider na nagsasapuso sa karapatan at kagalingan ng mga manggagawang bukid” (We are already tired of yellow leaders in our union. It should now be led by militant and nationalist leaders who take to heart the rights and welfare of farm workers.), Galang said.

But it is not at all easy to fight the powerful Cojuangco clan, he said. Aside from the harassment from military and paramilitary forces that he has to bear, he and other colleagues also have to endure red baiting.

During the campaign for the union elections, several black propaganda materials were distributed in the hacienda naming him and three others as “candidates of the CPP-NPA-NDF (Communist Party of the Philippines-New Peoples Army-National Democratic Front).” The materials also said that Galang and the three others are “controlled” by the communists and that they “aim to be a factor in the downfall of the Cojuangcos and the HLI.”

But Galang said this is just part of the psychological-war operations of the military in connivance with the Cojuangcos to harass and discourage him from running in the union elections. 

He said it also aims to intimidate the voting populace of the hacienda. “We’re ready for any eventuality. Although we take precautions, we remain undaunted,” he said. 


Sources: 
Bulatlat.com/Photos by Dabet Castañeda;ZELDA D.T. SORIANO 
Bulatlat.comhttp://bulatlat.com/news/4-21/4-21-agrarian2.html
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  • ALSO CLICK TO READ/SEE::

    1. 16 Years of Agrarian Reform – Part 1 of 2 
    2. Agrarian Reforms - Conflicts during Implementation
    3. More on Hacienda Luisita and the Farce of Philippine Agrarian (Land) Reform

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