Showing posts with label first Vietnam War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label first Vietnam War. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 20, 2013

OUR UNRECOGNIZED HEROES by LETICIA CONSTANTINO



“As to the source of leadership, we Filipinos still look up and limit ourselves to the same socio-economic-political elite, the same prominent dynasties, most of who were of the collaborationist and mendicant variety. There is potentially good leadership, maybe still unknown, OUTSIDE the selfish, morally bankrupt and oftentimes subservient elite.

When we have done away with our massive ignorance, we Filipinos can surely find and actively ensure that only individuals -with courage and strong nationalism- earn respect; thus who will successfully propel the people to fight, and finally, win for the common good.” - BERT M. DRONA




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Hi All,

When I try to reminisce about Filipino heroes taught us during grade school years, I think of their portraits hanging in our public school classrooms or their names in our streets (including heroes of our foreign colonizers!!). Although I must admit that some of our so-called heroes --based on what I later learned and understood about the term and them now-- were not really deserving to be my (or our) heroes. 

What or Who is a hero? A hero is someone whom we admire and wish to emulate; someone who has done something beyond what we would consider the normal scope of human experience, who has left us a lasting or immortal memory of deeds that benefit us so-called "normal  or average" people.  

A hero is not perfect --as he is human-- but he defines the limits of our aspirations or ideals, i.e. courage, honor and justice. In terms of nation-building, a hero fights consistently and bravely for the homeland, for its true independence and sovereignty; and therefore for the common good of its native majority. 

Let us remember that a hero does not have to be a "dead hero" or martyr. Right now, we hope native leadership to be more of the Apolinario Mabini or Claro M. Recto-types versus the Andres Bonifacio(s); though we need them all together in the nationalist struggle, for the long haul.

We native Filipinos seem to have a shortage of heroes. But not really. We have just neglected learning or teaching about many of them throughout our generations or worse, that we have been misled about them and instead conditioned/instructed to remember more about the heroes of our former colonizers or about native Filipinos that were useful to these colonizers.. 

We native Filipinos had many heroes and we need to know and be inspired by them. As the enemy, the anti-native Filipino, is among us working and collaborating with foreigners for their mutual selfish gain, all at the expense of the native Filipino majority --entrapped in the self-perpetuating vicious circle of impoverishment, illiteracy and ignorance.

Not being aware of our own native heroes, not knowing that we had many admirable native Filipino men and women whom we can emulate, we have become cynical about ourselves, we native Malay Filipinos. 

Below is a short essay about our unrecognized heroes, written by Mrs. Leticia R. Constantino. It behooves us to follow her advice about learning more about our heroes so that we native Filipinos will not be so cynical, discouraged and apathetic about our homeland --though admittedly, given our state-of-affairs in the past generations that worsen to the present,  there are humongous and true reasons to feel and think so.  Let us therefore seek for and recognize more of our still unknown heroes, most of whom had to make the ultimate sacrifices for our future generations of native Filipinos.

Let us join, by informing ourselves of our nationalist history, in the struggle to defeat this massive illiteracy and ignorance in our homeland to obtain the necessary social transformations for true political and economic independence that will serve the common good.

- Bert



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Our Unrecognized Heroes
- Mrs. Leticia R. Constantino, Education Forum, Teacher Assistance Program (TAP) Director


As we celebrate Bonifacio Day and recall that great patriot's struggle for Philippine independence, it would be fitting to rescue from oblivion others who like him sacrificed their lives to free our country from colonial rule. It is appropriate that we commence this task on the day set aside to honor the father of the Katipunan for two reasons: 

  • first, because Bonifacio's own stature as a hero of our country remained officially unrecognized for fully 25 years after his death, and 
  • second, because these unsung or even maligned patriots shared Bonifacio's unflinching devotion to the cause of national freedom.

While Rizal gained the official status of national hero as early as 1901 upon the suggestion of Gov. William H. Taft, had a province (Morong) renamed after him, a monument at the Luneta, his face on a postage stamp and on Philippine currency, and his death anniversary declared an official holiday, Bonifacio remained in limbo.

It was only in 1922 when Senator Lope K. Santos authored the law making the birthday of Bonifacio a national holiday that the founder of the Katipunan was officially recognized as a Filipino hero. The contrast in the treatment of these two heroes made perfect sense from an American perspective. 

Taft considered Bonifacio's uncompromising, anti-colonialist stand "too radical", but Filipino veneration of Rizal could be safely encouraged because, as another governor-general, W. Cameron Forbes, said: "Rizal never advocated independence, nor did he advocate armed resistance to the government. he argued reform from within by publicity, by public education, and appeal to public conscience."

The American viewpoint continues to color our attitudes towards other Filipino patriots, particularly those who sustained the resistance against American colonization even after Aguinaldo's capture in 1901. Considering themselves the rightful masters of the country, the Americans branded all those who resisted them as bandits and ladrones (thieves).

Although the revolts against Spain have gained recognition along with the heroes of our revolution, the Filipinos who led the post-Aguinaldo resistance against the Americans remain forgotten.


FAUSTINO GUILLERMO

Let us take the case of Faustino Guillermo, a Katipunero who had fought with Bonifacio and Jacinto in the battle of San Juan del Monte. Guillermo lead several armed groups active in northern Rizal. The American authorities called them the Diliman gang and claimed they were mere cattle rustlers. In fact, Guillermo was second in command to General Luciano San Miguel who established the New Katipunan in 1902. 

Guillermo assumed leadership after San Miguel died in combat. He was an intrepid and colorful fighter. In one encounter where his men captured the entire Constabulary garrison in San Jose, Bulacan, his adversary was Constabulary Lieutenant Licerio Geronimo. This was the same Geronimo who as general of the Revolution had commanded the forces that killed Gen. Lawton in December 1899 but had later joined the American-led constabulary as a mere lieutenant.

Guillermo was captured and executed in the public square of Pasig in 1904. That same year, Lt. Geronimo was dismissed from the Constabulary for gambling. A school in Manila today bears the name of Gen. Licerio Geronimo and for many years we even honored Gen. Lawton with a plaza (now Liwasang Bonifacio), but no one remembers Faustino Guillermo, leader of the new Katipunan.


QUINTIN & ANATALIO TABAL

In Cebu  two brothers, Quintin and Anatalio Tabal, led a fierce and popularly supported resistance which forced Colonel Taylor, Constabulary Chief of Cebu, to institute an extensive re-concentration camp. Five thousand barrio folk were relocated in fourteen camps, each surrounded by a stockade and guarded by a Constabulary force. The farmers went out to their  fields under guard each morning and returned before dark.

More re-locations followed in 1905 and 1906. This was the only way to deprive the resistance of popular support in terms of food and new recruits. Gov. Sergio Osmena finally effected the surrender of the Tabal brothers. Osmena is well remembered, but few Cebuanos know about the resistance led by the Tabals. Don't they deserve even a street in their name?



MACARIO SAKAY

Macario Sakay, leader of the guerrillas in the Rizal-Cavite-Laguna-Batangas region established and became president of the Tagalog Republic. Sakay, a barber from Tondo, had been one of the early Katipuneros. He helped run the Katipunan press and fought alongside Bonifacio  Even after the Aguinaldo takeover, when the Katipunan was supposed to have been superseded by Aguinaldo's Republic, Sakay continued to go from town to town forming Katipunan chapters.

Jailed under the Sedition law for his attempts to revive the Katipunan in Manila, he was released in 1902, whereupon he promptly went to the mountains to resume the Katipunan activities. Sakay's republic had a constitution patterned after the Katipunan constitution. signatories included many original Katipuneros.

In a manifesto issued in 1904 and addressed to all foreign consulates, he sought to inform the world that he and his men were not brigands as the United states claimed they were, but real revolutionaries fighting to preserve the independence of their country. 

Sakay adhered to the egalitarian ideals of the Katipunan and its belief in mass mobilization  In a War Order issued in May 1902, he criticized the way the ilustrado-led Revolution had been conducted, saying that there had been no unity because "all people cared for were silver, wealth and education; thus there was no willingness to defend as a whole" as concern for self was paramount. 

Sakay's Republic was faithfully supported by many including some municipal officials. constabulary cordons failed because secret adherents helped the guerrillas escape capture. Supporters contributed money, stole arms from Americans to supply the resistance, gathered intelligence for Sakay's men while feeding wrong information to the Constabulary.

As in many instances, the Americans succeeded in capturing their enemy through the use of deception. He was prevailed upon by a compatriot, Dr. Dominador Gomez, to end his resistance on the ground that ti was the only obstacle to the establishment of the national assembly which would be the first step to independence. No less than Gov. Gen. Wright led Sakay to believe that his personal safety and that of his officers were assured. Instead he was captured, charged under the Brigandage Act, accused of all sorts of crime - robbery, rape, kidnapping, murder --and hanged.

The judge who presided at his trial, Ignacio Villamor, eventually became President of the U.P. and later Justice of the Supreme court. Sakay's patriotism and dedication to the Katipunan ideal of independence has received no official recognition. He remains a brigand in the eyes of many.


DIONISIO MAGBUELAS (PAPA ISIO)

In Negros  the leader of the principal resistance to the Americans was Dionisio Magbuelas, popularly known as Papa Isio. His group has been fighting against Spanish rule since 1896, attacking towns where Spaniards and pro-Spanish Filipinos lived. Their battle-cry was: "Viva Rizal: Death to the Spaniards!"  Since many of Isio's men were sacadas who had gone to the mountains to escape some charge or other, Negros landlords were apprehensive of and hostile toward Papa Isio. They helped the Guardia Civil in hunting him and his men whom they branded as bandits and anarchists.

When the Americans came, the Negros landlords quickly shifted their allegiance to the new colonizers while Papa Isio redirected his struggle against American rule. Though poorly-armed, Papa Isio's followers gave the Americans such a hard fight that they had to ask repeatedly for reinforcements. Just as he had attacked pro-Spanish  hacenderos, Isio and his men now burned the haciendas and destroyed the mills of the hacenderos who had turned pro-American. He also ordered the burning of the sugar cane of those hacenderos who did not pay their laborers regularly.

Although the Malolos Government preferred to deal with the Negros ilustrados and ignored papa Isio, he continued to declare his allegiance to the Philippine republic and remained faithful to the Katipunan goal of independence. To the hacenderos and the American army, Papa Isio was a fanatic, a religious charlatan, a tulisan, but the people supported him, shielded him from his enemies  fought with him. 

Once, when it was falsely reported that Papa Isio had been killed, the word spread quickly and thousands of cane-cutters went to work wearing black armbands. Papa Isio tried to continue his struggle but his support dwindled especially after the bountiful sugar harvest in 1905 eased the people's poverty. In 1907, when he realized he had lost support, Papa Isio surrendered, was tried and sentenced to death.

The Negros hacenderos prospered under the Americans  Their early collaboration earned many of them high positions and political power. Papa Isio's devotion to freedom earned him nothing but death and near-oblivion.

Many more names can be added to the roster of unrecognized patriots  It is time to seek them out and give them belated recognition. In this way, we will be making our own judgments rather than following the judgments of our colonizers in whose eyes all resistance to their rule was banditry or a form of lunacy.


References:

  1. Teodoro A. Agoncillo and Milagros C. Guerrero, History of the Filipino People, Malaya Books, Quezon City, 1970.
  2. Renato Constantino, The Philippines: A Past Revisited, Tala Publishing Services, Quezon City, 1975.
  3. Jonathan fast and Jim Richardson, Roots of Dependency, Foundation for Nationalist Studies, Quezon City, 1970
  4. Reynaldo C. Ileto, Pasyon and Revolution, Ateneo Univ Press, 1979


Source: Issues Without Tears, A Layman's Manual of Current Issues, Volume III (1984),
Teacher Assistance Program (TAP) - Leticia R. Constantino, Director



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" Fear history, for it respects no secrets" - Gregoria de Jesus 
(widow of Andres Bonifacio)



Hi All,

The below link will show a short list of my past posts (out of 540 posts so far) which I consider as basic topics about us native (indio)/ Malay Filipinos. This link/listing, which may later expand, will always be presented at the bottom of each future post.  Just point-and-click at each listed item to open and read. 


Thank you for reading and sharing with others, especially those in our homeland.

- Bert

PLEASE POINT & CLICK THIS LINK:  
http://www.thefilipinomind.com/2013/08/primary-postsreadings-for-my-fellow.html



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Sunday, June 24, 2007

US Military War Crimes and Cover-ups

L.A. Times report on Vietnam sheds light on Iraq
War crimes and cover-ups are routine in U.S. wars
By Ian Thompson



WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: (Note: Bold and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posting/article. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated).

"From 1945 to 2003, the United States attempted to overthrow more than 40 foreign governments, and to crush more than 30 populist-nationalist movements fighting against intolerable regimes. In the process, the US bombed some 25 countries, caused the end of life for several million people, and condemned many millions more to a life of agony and despair." - William Blum

"The U.S. record of war crimes has been, from the nineteenth century to the present, a largely invisible one, with no government, no political leaders, no military officials, no lower-level operatives held accountable for criminal actions... Anyone challenging this mythology is quickly marginalized, branded a traitor or Communist or terrorist or simply a lunatic beyond the pale of reasonable discussion."- Carl Boggs
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See also :US Foreign Policy and Human Rights




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US Military War Crimes and Cover-ups
L.A. Times report on Vietnam sheds light on Iraq
War crimes and cover-ups are routine in U.S. wars
By Ian Thompson



Over the past months, the bourgeois press has been giving some attention to the most glaring of war crimes committed by the U.S. military in Iraq. The ones that have been uncovered are awful enough. First, there was the torture and killing of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. Then, in November 2005, U.S. marines massacred 24 civilians—mostly women and children—in Haditha.Now the world knows about the terrible March 2006 rape and murder of Abeer Qassim al-Janabi, a 14-year-old Iraqi girl. U.S. soldiers murdered her and then killed her mother, father and five-year-old sister. A U.S. military investigator has recommended that four of the five implicated U.S. soldiers be court-martialed.These atrocities have provoked an outcry across the world. They have contributed to the growing disgust felt by a majority of U.S. working people for the war and its consequences.

Faced with this growing outrage, the Pentagon has been forced on the defensive. For example, on Sept. 3, an Army investigator recommended the death penalty in the case of four soldiers who killed three Iraqi civilians in a May 3 incident near Samarra—if the court-martialed soldiers are found guilty. That is a big “if. ”These incidents are always reported by the big business press as “isolated incidents.” The public is assured that guilty soldiers will be punished.

A look at history points to a completely different reality. Massacres, killings, torture and humiliation at the hands of the occupying imperialist army is the norm. Perpetrators of the most heinous crimes almost always walk free.

‘Recurrent attacks on ordinary Vietnamese’
An Aug. 6 Los Angeles Times article, “Vietnam Horrors: Darker Yet,” details widespread atrocities committed by the U.S. military against the people of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia during the 1960s and 1970s. Hundreds of Vietnamese civilians were killed in 1968 My Lai massacre.

The article is based on a review of 9,000 pages in a once-secret government archive containing investigative files, sworn statements by witnesses to the crimes and status reports for top military brass. They were compiled by a Pentagon task force—dubbed the “Vietnam War Crimes Working Group”—in the early 1970s. These documents were all declassified in 1994 but went largely unnoticed for over 10 years.The report reveals that Army investigators looked into and substantiated 320 war crimes committed by the U.S. military in the late 1960s and early 1970s. It did not include the notorious 1968 My Lai massacre, where over 500 Vietnamese civilians were massacred and tortured by marauding U.S. troops.

The Times reports that the “records describe recurrent attacks on ordinary Vietnamese—families in their homes, farmers in rice paddies, teenagers out fishing.” Hundreds of soldiers, in interviews with investigators and letters to commanders, described violent troops who “murdered, raped and tortured with impunity.”“Abuses were not confined to a few rogue units,” the article states. “They were uncovered in every Army division that operated in Vietnam.”

Among the cases in the archive were seven massacres from 1967 through 1971 in which at least 137 civilians were murdered by U.S. soldiers; 78 other attacks on civilians in which at least 57 people were killed, 56 wounded and 15 sexually assaulted; and 141 instances in which U.S. troops tortured civilian detainees or Vietnamese soldiers with fists, sticks, bats, water or electric shock. For example, on March 16, 1968—the same day as the My Lai massacre—soldiers from the same division killed 80 to 90 civilians. Platoon leader Lt. Thomas K. Wilingham was charged with murder, but the charges were later dropped. No other suspects were pursued.

On May 18, 1971, a U.S. helicopter “hunter-killer” team attacked a village in Cambodia with rockets and machine guns, killing eight civilians and wounding many more. The team then left the wounded without treatment and ransacked the village, stealing the victims’ personal property. On Feb. 8, 1968, after rounding up 19 civilians in a Quang Nam province village, Army soldiers in the 4th Infantry Division were ordered by their commander to “kill anything that moves.” The soldiers complied. It was just days after the Tet Offensive was launched by the Vietnamese resistance.

According to eyewitness Jamie Henry, who was then a 20-year-old U.S. Army medic, the soldiers pulled a naked teenage woman from a hut and threw her to the ground on top of a pile of huddled Vietnamese civilians. The U.S. troops then opened fire with machine-guns, killing everyone.

Henry reported the incident once he returned to the United States, although Army legal officers told him to keep quiet. He held a press conference in 1970 denouncing the war and the massacre and joined Vietnam Veterans Against the War. No one was ever charged in the Feb. 8, 1968, massacre.

Thousands more unreported
In addition to the 320 cases “substantiated” by army investigators, hundreds of reported atrocities were left uninvestigated. The archive contains material related to more than 500 war crimes that were discounted by the U.S. military. Other war crimes that took place are not mentioned in the archive at all.

Of those that are mentioned but not investigated, one anonymous sergeant wrote a letter to Westmoreland in 1970 describing the mass killing of civilians by members of the Army’s 9th Infantry Division in the Mekong Delta. The letter blamed the killings, in part, on pressure from superior officers to generate high body counts.The letter reads: “A battalion [sic] would kill maybe 15 to 20 [civilians] a day. With four battalions in the brigade that would be maybe 40 to 50 a day or 1,200 to 1,500 a month, easy. If I am only 10 percent right, and believe me it’s lots more, then I am trying to tell you about 120-150 murders, or a My Lay [sic] each month for over a year.”The U.S. Army never acted on the letter, although internally they determined that it was “sincere” and “forceful.”

The military brass only wanted to make sure that the push for verifiable body counts did not “encourage the human tendency to inflate the count by violating established rules of engagement.” They also wanted to find the letter’s author to prevent his complaints from reaching politicians or the public.

Killing with impunity
Besides showing the widespread nature of atrocities committed by U.S. troops, the archives also point to how these atrocities were treated by U.S. military “justice.”

Despite the relatively small scope of the investigations in the archive, the records show that investigators determined that evidence against 203 soldiers accused of war crimes was strong enough to warrant formal charges. But very little happened. Only 57 of the 203 ultimately were court-martialed and just 23 convicted. Fourteen of those convicted got prison sentences ranging from six months to 20 years, but nearly all sentences were reduced drastically on appeal. The longest amount of time served was seven months, given to a military intelligence interrogator convicted of “committing indecent acts on a 13-year-old girl in an interrogation hut in 1967,” the Times report concluded.

Most of the war criminals just received a letter of reprimand. The U.S. Army did little to prosecute anyone for known atrocities. Once the war was over in 1975, after the Vietnamese victory, all pending war crimes cases and investigations were dropped completely. The few soldiers punished for Vietnam War atrocities were rank-and-file troops. Their officers and the politicians who sent them onto the battlefield were never charged or punished for their part in the massacres.

A limited view
Any archive compiled by the Pentagon is bound to be limited. The “working group” was not set up to end war crimes, but rather to manage the political fallout and keep the atrocities within militarily acceptable bounds. That is why the report was kept confidential for decades.

The L.A. Times report also has shortcomings. By focusing entirely on individual cases, it obscures completely the biggest war crime of all: the genocidal U.S. invasion, bombing and occupation of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. Over four million Vietnamese people and hundreds of thousands of Cambodians and Laotians were killed in that war. Of South Vietnam’s 15,000 villages, two-thirds were destroyed by U.S. military action between 1965 and 1972. In the north, all six of the industrial cities and 4,000 of 5,800 agricultural communes were badly damaged. Twenty-one million gallons of Agent Orange herbicide were sprayed on the country, mostly in the south. This destroyed vast areas and caused a huge rise in birth defects and cancer.Also unmentioned is the deadly, CIA-organized Phoenix Program, a clandestine program to assassinate as many as 50,000 South Vietnamese who were considered to be members or sympathizers of the National Liberation Front.None of this is considered a “war crime” at all. It is considered routine and “legal.”

The ‘logic’ behind war crimes
Few of these reported war crimes saw the light of day during the Vietnam War itself. Like today in Iraq, the ones that did were considered aberrations.

In Iraq today, as in Vietnam, the imperialists have a military rationale for killing civilians. Far from an aberration, it is a tactic that flows from a strategic logic. The “enemy” that the Pentagon is facing is not a regular army. It is a popular insurgency with deep roots and support from the people.

For the Pentagon generals, if the civilian population is sympathetic to the resistance fighters, it is necessary to terrorize the civilians as punishment for providing aid or shelter to a guerrilla army. The U.S. military imbues soldiers with racism against the occupied civilian population to facilitate this goal.

The recent report on war crimes in Vietnam coupled with the disclosure of more atrocities against Iraqi civilians are opportunities for anti-imperialist forces to reflect on history and bring the realities of U.S. occupation to broader layers of the working class. Let us use these opportunities to build real solidarity with the Iraqi people, who—like the Vietnamese before them—are fighting heroically to rid their country of imperialist occupation and domination.

Let us not wait for the reports and investigations 40 years from now to expose the criminal nature of U.S. imperialist war and occupation.


Articles may be reprinted with credit to Socialism and Liberation magazine.


Source: http://socialismandliberation.org/mag/index.php?aid=695