Showing posts with label American military bases. Show all posts
Showing posts with label American military bases. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 03, 2007

Subic Rape Case (Updated)


"There are those who don't want women in the military, and who want to rape them out. And there are those who see civilians [in foreign countries] as 'practice' and don't care what happens to them. Rape is one of the greatest tools of war, and our government is essentially saying that rape of human beings is acceptable. We are a rape nation and this is all being done in our name." - Sgt. Dorothy Mackey

“There is no literate population in the world that is poor; there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)

"...the role of U.S. overseas bases in the world -bases in the Philippines among them-- is to "act as magnets for enemy attacks, thus dispersing and weakening his threat to our cities and fixed installations." --Hanson W. Baldwin (1903-1991), U.S. Naval Academy Class 1924, N.Y. Times Military Editor, stated in the NY Times Weekly 2/17/57 & 8/18/57 - as quoted by Claro M. Recto


"In time of peace, foreign bases serve as protection for foreign investments within the country where the bases are established." - Claro M. Recto


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PLEASE DONATE CORE SUBJECT BOOKS TO OUR HOMELAND (i.e. your hometown public schools, alma mater, etc.). Those books that you and/or your children do not need or want; or buy books from your local library during its cheap Book Sales. Also, cargo/door-to-door shipment is best.  It is a small sacrifice.  [clean up your closets or garage - donate books.THANKS!]
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The following previous posts and the RECTO READER are essential about us native, Malay Filipinos and are therefore always presented in each new post. Click each to open/read.
  1. WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW:
  2. WHAT IS NATIONALISM [Filipino Nationalism]?
  3. Our Colonial Mentality and Its Roots 
  4. The Miseducation of the Filipino (Formation of our Americanized Mind)
  5. Our Filipino Kind of Religion
THE RECTO READER is presented in several postings. Click below for previous posts:

NOTE: Recto's cited cases, examples or issues were of his time, of course; but realities in our homeland in the present and the foreseeable future are/expectedly much, much worse. Though I am tempted to update them with current issues, it's best to leave them as they are since Recto's paradigms about our much deepened national predicament still ring relevant, valid and true. In short, Recto saw the forest and never got lost in the trees.- Bert

THE FILIPINO MIND blog contains 531 published postings you can view, as of October 25, 2012. Go to the sidebar to search Past & Related Postings, click LABEL [number in parenthesis = total of related postings]; or use the GOOGLE SEARCH at the sidebar using key words [labels, or tags] for topics of interest to you. OR click a bottom label or tag to open related topics.

The postings are oftentimes long and a few readers have claimed being "burnt out."  My apologies. As the selected topics are not for entertainment but to stimulate deep thought (see MISSION Statement) and hopefully to rock the boat of complacency (re MISSION).

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(7) Songs on Filipino nationalism: please reflect on the lyrics (messages) as well as the beautiful renditions. Other Filipino Music links at blog sidebar.  :

BAYAN KO by Freddie Aguilar <--- class="Apple-style-span" nbsp="nbsp" span="span" style="background-color: white;">click to play song.


”Bayan Ko” by KUH LEDESMA <-- class="Apple-style-span" span="span" style="background-color: white;">click to play song.

”Bayan Ko” by a Korean choir <--click play="play" song.="song." span="span" to="to">

”Sa Kuko ng Agila” by Freddie Aguilar <-- click="click" play="play" song.="song." span="span" to="to"> 

”Huwad na Kalayaan” by Freddie Aguilar <-- click="click" play="play" song.="song." span="span" to="to">

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 “Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent” – Benjamin Disraeli, British Prime Minister (1804-1881)

“A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.” – Martin Luther King, Jr.


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Subic Rape Case - American Military Attitude and Behavior, VFA, etc

Hi All,

To be a poor country --with a people in disunity and possessing a
damaged culture and with rulers (not deserving to be called leaders) perennially characterized by mendicant and subservient attitudes and behaviors-- is to invite only abuses, insults and disrespect from foreigners and foreign nations; in our case oftentimes from Innocent America to which we are in awe- with our usual naive sentimentality and endless "utang na loob". Our neglect of our country's history and that of the world consequently led to our deep ignorance of American hidden truths/myths. 

We Filipinos never learn: that inter-national relationships are not personal relationships; that so-called friendships between nations are not personal friendships. We Filipinos do not seem to get it at all: that all self-respecting nations look only and primarily after their own national interests, i.e. its people, which is understandable. In this regard our rulers have not done their part. As for us in general, given our gullibility, we still believe that we have special relations with America. Maybe we do, that is, between Master and Slave - the plantation mentality.

The disrespect for us Filipinos and our homeland by the American military/government was again recently demonstrated by the Subic Rape Case. Even with the post-WW2 American-imposed Bases Agreement not renewed, we still are having the same problems with the US military. This time thanks to the VFA (which includes BIA and SOFA provisions) railroaded by our perennially subservient rulers.

In the original posting, I predicted --but hoped to be wrong-- that the Subic Rape Case will be a whitewash, as all crimes/offenses by US military personnel ended in the past decades. Now, after our court let go the other American servicemen who were active participants in the crime and has convicted only one, our homeland's rulers in a very anti-Filipino decision, acted to further please the Americans by returning (in the middle of the night) to the US military the convicted American soldier-rapist and thus not serving his sentence in our homeland (only a strong and bully nation can impose on willing native accomplices/rulers).

All these crimes, all these foreign insults and disrespect to native Filipinos in our own homeland will not stop until we study our nationalist history to learn and understand ourselves, to know the "how, what, when, and why" we have lost our Filipino nationalism. Thus our mendicancy and colonial mentality remain unchallenged, which have perpetually kept us without national dignity and sovereignty in our own homeland.

Our traitorous rulers allow them to occur because majority of us natives are mainly illiterate. It is only by knowing ourselves can we act to free our caged minds, to strongly require our rulers to fight for and recover our national dignity and sovereignty as a people. With knowledge, we native Filipinos can unite, demand and ensure that our rulers do their job, i.e. for the native Filipinos.

It is long overdue that we learn, realize and remember that our homeland and we the Filipino people do not count in the eyes of the American military/government. Thus in the case of military rape and any other crime committed in our homeland by American servicemen, we will only be continually taken for granted and pressured to remain on our knees, with extended hand begging and being unquestioningly conditioned to be pro-American and anti-Filipino.

In the below article, it is instructive to know how difficult it is for American military women, regardless of military rank, to pursue their rape charges against fellow American military men. What more for a Filipino woman?

It is long overdue that we destroy our Americanized minds with Filipino nationalism for the good of the native Filipino - maybe too late for our generation - but for the sake of the next generations of native Filipinos.

Click to see more postings about US military modus operandi:
http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/us-military-rape-case-tests-philippine.html,
http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/bilateral-immunity-agreements-so.html,
http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/status-of-forces-agreement-sofa-status.html,
http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/us-troops-here-to-stay-important.html,
http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/u.html)

- Bert

“Nations, whose NATIONALISM is destroyed, are subject to ruin.” - Colonel Muhammar Qaddafi, 1942-, Libyan Political and Military Leader

"Upang maitindig natin ang bantayog ng ating lipunan, kailangang radikal nating baguhin hindi lamang ang ating mga institusyon kundi maging ang ating pag-iisip at pamumuhay. Kailangan ang rebolusyon, hindi lamang sa panlabas, kundi lalo na sa panloob!" --Apolinario Mabini, La Revolucion Filipina (1898)

"If it is
commercialism to want the possession of a strategic point [Philippines] giving the American people an opportunity to maintain a foothold in the markets of that great Eastern country [China], for God's sake let us have commercialism." – U.S. Senator Mark Hanna,(1837-1904)


"The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925


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Rape Nation
By Kari Lydersen, AlterNet

As a new officer in the Air Force who trusted the institution and the men she worked with, Dorothy Mackey didn't think she would ever be sexually assaulted by her fellow servicemen. She was wrong.

When a military ob-gyn did things during an examination that didn't seem right, soon after she joined the service in 1983, she tried to rationalize her disturbing thoughts away. When she had another bad experience with a military ob-gyn in 1986, at the Spangcahlem Air Force Base in Germany where she was stationed, it was harder to look the other way."He sodomized me," she said. "I started looking into what happens in a normal ob-gyn examination, and that is definitely not supposed to be part of it."

But when she was violated again about a year later, it was clear. Her group was on a training mission in Spain, passing some downtime by playing volleyball. By this time she was a sergeant, in charge of many of the enlisted men there.

"I had had a few drinks, but I know my body really well and I was not drunk," she said. She asked a male friend who was a first sergeant for a drink of water, but after two gulps of it, she realized something was very strange. She demanded to know what was in the drink, but soon she was staggering and losing her balance."In college everyone has had their moments, but I never experienced anything like that," she said. "I knew I had been poisoned." She staggered inside and began violently vomiting.

"He was standing at the door laughing," she said of the supposed friend who gave her the drink."When I had nothing left to throw up I passed out and he took me to his room. I woke up and there were four men in the room playing cards, I remember them laughing and saying, 'Sergeant I've never seen you like this,' like they were glad I had loosened up and was enjoying myself.

I passed out again and the next time I came to, he was on top of me, penetrating me. I remember telling him no and then passing out again. I woke up again to a loud knock on the door, someone who was concerned about me asking how I was doing. He was hiding behind the door naked with a full erection. I knew if I didn't do something I would be raped again."Despite feeling like she didn't have the energy to move she pulled herself out of the room and down the hall, she said. Later when she tried to complain to her superiors about the rape, no one wanted to hear it.

Dorothy Mackey is not alone. She and other women veterans recounted their experiences at the National Summit of Women Veterans Issues in Washington, DC June 19th and 20th. As an officer, scores of women had come to Mackey and told her about abuse and rapes they had suffered, by officers, fellow enlisted men and doctors. Many of the attacks involved servicemen intentionally getting women drunk or drugging them and taking them off base.

"When you are a new woman walking onto a military base, you are like a deer and it's deer hunting season, but you don't know it," she said. "You think you can trust these people, you believe in the mission you are on together." In 1992, Mackey quit the service, mainly because of the repeated incidences of sexual assault and domestic violence and other wrong-doing that she had seen go unpunished on the base. In 1994 she filed a civil lawsuit in a district court in Dayton, Ohio against the specific men who had assaulted her, including the superiors who abused her when she tried to report the previous assaults. The Justice Department decided to represent the defendants, so the case was moved to federal court. The Department of Justice attorney said the case should not be brought to trial on the grounds that it constituted a threat to national security, representing a "disruption of good order, morale and discipline."

After making its way through the appeals courts, it ended up in front of the Supreme Court which refused to hear the case in 1998 and again in 2000.Meanwhile Mackey founded a group called Survivors Take Action Against Abuse by Military Personnel (STAAMP) to fight the rampant rape and sexual abuse in the military and demand justice and reform. She says over 4,300 women have contacted her about being raped or assaulted while in the service, and in the vast majority of cases watching their attackers go scot-free while they are humiliated and threatened for speaking out about the attacks.

At a press conference during the National Summit of Women Veterans Issues, women cited surveys indicating that up to 50 percent of military women have experienced sexual assaults, and 78 percent have experienced sexual harassment. Because of the intimidation and harassment that women face for reporting assaults, the military's own numbers are much lower. But even so, they show a rise in assaults over the past few years.

An analysis of Army records and reports published by The Washington Post on June 3 showed that reported sexual assaults increased 19 percent from 1999 to 2002, from 658 to 753, and rapes increased 25 percent, from 356 to 445.A May 27 report from an Army task force stated that the Army "does not have a clear picture of the sexual assault issue" and lacks an "overarching policy" to deal with the problem. The report was prepared because of complaints by women's groups and lawmakers about apparently increased assaults against servicewomen in Iraq and Afghanistan.

During the National Summit, women pointed out that far from being an isolated problem, the military nurtures a culture of sexual violence and contempt for women that is linked to the rape and sexual abuse of women in occupied countries or countries where the U.S. has military bases, as well as rapes and assaults of women in U.S. prisons and jails. Rapes and sexual assaults are also often known to be high in U.S. cities and towns with military bases.

On June 28, a Nashville T.V. station reported that Fort Campbell soldier Johnathan David Loynes was arrested for violently kidnapping 10- and 13-year-old girls who lived nearby and trying to force them to perform oral sex on him."It's all connected," said Phoebe Jones, a member of the group Global Women's Strike, which is joining STAAMP and other women's groups in a campaign to "STAAMP Out Rape by the Military."

"You have prison guards here, like Charles Grainer [implicated in the Abu Ghraib abuse scandal], who go to Iraq and abuse people there. Then you have soldiers come back from Iraq or Afghanistan getting jobs as prison guards, and they rape and abuse people. The military could stop it if they want to, but they don't want to. They're socializing men into doing this." 
Global Women's Strike has been in contact with women's and human rights advocates in Iraq who say women detainees and civilians are regularly raped and abused there.

A press release they put out alleges that as part of the inquiry into abuses in Iraqi prisons, Congressmen have been shown photos of gang rapes and other abuses of women."They're suppressing the photos of women being raped because the public would just be outraged," said Jones.The STAAMP Out Rape Campaign is demanding that:1) an oversight body independent of the Department of Defense investigate all rapes and assaults by military members;2) that the Veterans Administration (VA) must provide benefits and care to rape and assault survivors;3) that women be allowed to choose a female health care provider; that reports of rape be treated seriously; and 4) other measures ensuring that there is accountability and that the problem is taken seriously.

Currently, servicewomen are not allowed to request a female ob-gyn or to deal with a female investigator after reporting an assault. And servicewomen who suffer post traumatic stress disorder or other physical and mental effects from being raped or assaulted report that they are often unable to obtain health care or benefits from the VA, with VA doctors and officials denying that their trauma exists or saying that it isn't service-related.One of the campaign's demands is an end to the use of the so-called McDowell Checklist to determine whether rape reports are valid.

The checklist, developed by retired Air Force Lt. Col. Charles McDowell, is made up of 57 questions that are scored with .5 to 5 points for each answer. A score of over 16 points means a woman's rape charge is "probably false," over 36 is "false" and over 76 is "overkill." If a woman is having problems with her husband or boyfriend, she gets three points. Financial problems earn one point. Even "demanding" to be given medical treatment by a female earns her a point."There is no way any rape victim can pass this test," said Mackey.

Considering the seeming irrelevance and bias of the questions, it is not surprising that the McDowell checklist turns up a 60 percent incidence of "false" rape reports, compared to a national average of about eight percent (according to FBI numbers).Other statements McDowell has made over the years show his blatant contempt for women. The book "For the Love of Country" by T. S. Nelson quotes a woman who attended a 1992 Air Force Office of Special Investigations seminar given by McDowell, in which he said women who make rape allegations fall into three categories: "narcissists, socio-paths and immature, impulsive, inadequate, types"

His apparent belief that women make rape accusations mainly to get attention is belied in some of the checklist questions, for example does the woman "describe the assault with a sense of relish or enthusiasm." While women bear the brunt of rape in the military, advocates point out that as seen in Abu Ghraib, both enlisted men and male detainees in foreign countries are also raped and abused, and these attacks are likewise hidden. Speakers at the National Summit said that there is often also a racial element to sexual attacks and harassment.

A male veteran who was sexually abused in the military said that "soldiers are trained to take whatever they want, whether from fellow servicemen or Iraqi detainees, and they know they will be protected." Mackey sees this culture of arrogance paired with misogyny and resentment toward women in the military. "There are multiple agendas to the attacks," she said. "There are those who don't want women in the military, and who want to rape them out. And there are those who see civilians [in foreign countries] as 'practice' and don't care what happens to them. Rape is one of the greatest tools of war, and our government is essentially saying that rape of human beings is acceptable. We are a rape nation and this is all being done in our name."

Kari Lydersen, a regular contributor to AlterNet, also writes for the Washington Post and is an instructor for the Urban Youth International Journalism Program in Chicago. She can be reached at
karilyde@aol.com. © 2006 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.Source: http://www.alternet.org/story/19134/


Saturday, December 10, 2005

American Ideology of Expansion to Empire


"We have about 50% of the world's wealth but only 6.3% of its population.... Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships, which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and daydreaming, and our attention will have to be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world benefaction.... We should cease to talk about vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. The day is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better."

- George Kennan, U.S. Secretary of State, Department memo, 1948


EXPANSION, CONTINENTAL AND OVERSEAS

The thirteen colonies that became the United States were on the cutting edge of the expansion of England that created a global political economy ultimately known as the British Empire.
Born of the expansionist impulses that had led to the conquest of Wales, Ireland, and Scotland, the United States itself became an empire that equaled, indeed surpassed, the greatest projections of British power. Today, more than two centuries after independence, the sun never sets on American territory, properties owned by the U.S. government and its citizens, American armed forces abroad, or countries that conduct their affairs within limits largely defined by American power.

The first U.S. census, conducted in 1790, asserted ownership of 891,364 square miles of the North American continent. Much of that acreage was also claimed by Native American societies, and various European powers contested marginal areas. Today, the fifty states total 3,623,420 square miles, and the directly ruled overseas possessions bring the total to 3,630,254.

The United States also maintains military bases in thirty-five nations and enjoys military usage agreements with several others. Corporations, banks, other associations, and individuals are estimated to own between $233 and $260 billion abroad. By any standard, the United States is today an empire that extends its economic, political, and military power around the globe.

Such impressive expansion in just over two hundred years cannot be explained in simple terms. The American empire, to quote Winston Churchill's remark about the British Empire, "did not just grow like Topsy," nor was it the creature of any single urge (say, power or greed) or dream (to save the world) or fear (of being conquered). It is more useful, rather, to think about American expansion in terms of the changing interactions among ideology, economics, military strategy, and domestic politics.

The early pressures for expansion across the continent emphasized the desire for land for agriculture, natural resources (wood, water, minerals, fossil fuels), and markets for those products. The gradual development of manufacturing, the related need for a continental infrastructure of transport, growth of a merchant marine, and the financial profits of all these activities combined to increase such pressure. The advocates of each of the expansionist objectives developed their particular explanations of why outreach was necessary.

At the same time, those interest group ideologies began to be integrated in a general ideology of expansion. That process and the resulting overview developed from religious as well as secular origins. The theological arguments were drawn from the Gospel of Matthew and adapted to America as early as 1630 by John Winthrop: "Men shall say of succeeding plantacions: the Lord make it like that oAmerican f New England: for wee must Consider that wee shall be as a Citty upon a Hill, the eies of all people upon us." 


And some two centuries later, in 1850 after the war against Mexico, Herman Melville echoed that justification for continental and maritime expansion: "We Americans are the peculiar, chosen people—the Israel of our time; we bear the ark of the liberties of the world.... God has predestined ... the rest of the nations must be in our rear."

The secular argument for expansion was also expressed very early, perhaps most explicitly by Thomas Paine in his 1776 pamphlet Common Sense: "We have it in our power to begin the world again." Whatever Paine's fluctuating relationship with religion, that formulation echoed Winthrop as well as John Locke's earlier proposition that "in the beginning America was the world." Thus it remained for James Madison (with some help from his friend Thomas Jefferson) to develop the most sophisticated and powerful secular explanation of the need for expansion.

First in letters and then publicly during the debate over ratification of the Constitution, Madison argued that the only way to sustain a republican government was to provide a surplus of resources and social space. The logic comes down to us in the present as the assertion that social peace and civil government depend upon enlarging the pie rather than arguing over the shares of a constant pie.

Expansion (read "growth" in our time) is necessary to avoid class conflict and to provide for population growth. Jefferson cut through to the heart of the matter in a slightly different way: without expansion it would be necessary to redivide the existing property for each new generation (which even in his time implied a communitarian redistribution of property).

Both men were candid. "This form of government," wrote Madison in 1787, "in order to effect its purposes, must operate not within a small but an extensive sphere." Having secured American access to the Pacific through the Louisiana Purchase (1803), Jefferson summed it up in 1809: "I am persuaded no constitution was ever before as well calculated as ours for extensive empire and self-government."

Within that consensus, however, the politics were never neat and rational. The arguments over which kind of expansion for which particular interests, and over the order of priorities, continued to bedevil American leaders. And the religious and secular concerns about spreading the light from the City upon a Hill and beginning the world again raised questions about the obligations toward the other peoples conquered in the process of extending truth and freedom.

Finally, the military problems of furthering and defending an ever-larger system confounded the best minds. Those matters were at the center of American politics during the continuing battle to subjugate the Native American cultures and the debates on the Louisiana Purchase, the war of conquest against Mexico, and whether or not to allow the slave-owning states to find their own way to salvation.

Those issues were not resolved by the North's victory in the Civil War. Indeed, the moral and practical questions of how best to rule and transform or regenerate a defeated enemy and to restore a marketplace economy were dramatized with wrenching force. At the same time, the rapid maturation of the industrial political economy in the North posed its own economic, social, and military challenges.


The new industrial leaders faced the same problem of markets for their booming production as had their agricultural predecessors. And like them, they concluded that overseas markets would be the answer.

Many perceptive, shrewd, or moralistic minds labored to adapt that idea to a program to solve the industrial problems. As in earlier times, the particular arguments offered were integrated in popular terms by a few charismatic leaders such as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. They advocated overseas expansion in order to sustain economic prosperity, to maintain domestic social peace and welfare, and to fulfill the American mission to reform the world.

Roosevelt insisted, for example, that it was "of the utmost importance" that the United States secure "the commanding position in the international business world ... especially at a time when foreign markets are essential." He added that it would be necessary to "exercise an international police power" from time to time. Wilson had a different style, but his points were the same. "If America is not to have free enterprise, then she can have freedom of no sort whatever.... We need foreign markets." Later he said, "the world must be made safe for democracy."

Such language revealed the inherent logic both of the concept of America as the City upon a Hill and of the capitalist marketplace political economy. Problems and solutions were externalized: opposition was either misguided or evil and had to be overcome. Thus rival capitalist powers, as well as anticapitalist revolutions, were viewed as dangers to be thwarted. 


That outlook guided the response of the great majority of Americans toward the policies and actions of Germany and Japan in the late 1930s, and also toward the Soviet Union and anticapitalist revolutions after World War II. Each of those nations and social movements was perceived as a threat to the economic, political, ideological, and military well-being and security of the United States.

From the end of the revolutionary war, however, that expansionist consensus was periodically challenged by conservatives as well as liberals and radicals on moral and pragmatic grounds. Those who opposed the proposed constitution during the debate of 1786-1787, for example, argued that it would create a political system calculated for empire and thus lead to the ultimate subversion of meaningful democracy at home. One can fairly say that they understood Madison's argument and its implications.

Similar criticism was offered against the continuing conquest of Native Americans, the purchase of the Louisiana Territory, and, even more militantly, the War of 1812 (particularly in New England and among groups in the seaboard South). Anti-imperial sentiment reached a climax in opposition to the war of conquest against Mexico. Its essence was best captured on July 4, 1821, by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams: "America goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy.... She might become the dictatress of the world; she would no longer be the ruler of her own spirit."
Although the anti-imperial movement was a latent factor in northern opposition to the Civil War, it did not become a serious force in politics again until the war against Spain led to expansion into Cuba and the Philippines (1898-1903). But it did succeed in turning policy away from classic colonialism, and it was a factor in the successful opposition to Woodrow Wilson's proposal to involve the United States (through the League of Nations) in a sustained effort to make the world safe for democracy. The anti-imperial outlook continued to exert significant influence on American policy during the 1920s and 1930s.

The war against the Axis powers, however, and the subsequent perceived threats from Russia and revolutionary movements effectively undercut that influence.
The next major effort by the anti-imperialists came during 1947-1948 when an unusual combination of anticommunist conservatives led by Senator Robert Taft and noncommunist liberals and radicals led by Henry A. Wallace tried to slow the revived momentum of imperialistic policies. The effort failed.

It can be argued with some force that the anti-imperial outlook contributed significantly to the widespread support for President Dwight D. Eisenhower. He was far less a militant crusader than Harry S. Truman, and in particular the latent if unorganized opposition to Truman's arbitrary intervention in Korea correctly viewed Eisenhower as an advocate of a less enthusiastic and bellicose approach to reforming the world in the image of America.

As an intellectual and political movement, however, the anti-imperialists did not begin to reassert themselves until President John F. Kennedy intervened to overthrow Cuba's revolution, which led to the missile crisis with the Soviet Union. But they exerted only marginal influence on policy until the intervention in Vietnam became a major war. What came to be called by expansionists the "Vietnam syndrome" was actually the revival of traditional anti-imperialism, and it played a crucial role in the withdrawal from Vietnam and the reluctance to engage in further interventions around the world.

Under Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush, however, the pendulum swung back. The Reagan administration, until blocked by Congress, supplied money and equipment to the Contras who were trying to overthrow the Marxist government in Nicaragua; secret efforts to continue funneling money to them culminated in the Iran-Contra affair. Reagan also sent U.S. military forces into Grenada to check the threatened expansion of communism there and bombed Libya in an effort to reduce its alleged support of international terrorism.

Under Bush, the United States invaded Panama to remove Manuel Noriega from power. And when Iraq under Saddam Hussein invaded and annexed Kuwait, the United States assembled and led a multinational coalition in a full-scale war to reclaim the country. "We've licked the Vietnam syndrome!" Bush declared. 


Thus the historical confrontation between the two conceptions of America's place in the world continued to be played out.

Edward McNall Burns, The American Idea of Mission: Concepts of National Purpose and Destiny (1957); Lloyd Gardner, Architects of Illusion: Men and Ideas in American Foreign Policy, 1941-1949 (1970); Albert K. Weinberg, Manifest Destiny: A Study of Nationalist Expansionism in American History (1935).

William Appleman Williams

Source: http://college.hmco.com/history/readerscomp/rcah/html/ah_029400_expansioncon.htm





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PLEASE DONATE CORE/FUNDAMENTAL SUBJECT BOOKS TO OUR HOMELAND (i.e. your hometown public schools, Alma Mater, etc.). Those books that you and/or your children do not need or want; or buy books from your local library during its cheap Book Sales. Also, cargo/door-to-door shipment is best.  It is a small sacrifice.  [clean up your closets or garage - donate books.THANKS!]
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I consider these earleir posts and the RECTO READER as essential in knowing and understanding our homeland and ourselves, native, Malay Filipinos; and are therefore always presented in each new post. Click each to open/read.
  1. WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW:
  2. WHAT IS NATIONALISM [Filipino Nationalism]?
  3. Our Colonial Mentality and Its Roots 
  4. The Miseducation of the Filipino (Formation of our Americanized Mind)
  5. Jose Rizal - Reformist or Revolutionary?
  6. The Purpose of Our Past, Why Study (Our) History?
  7. Studying and Rethinking Our Philippine History
  8. Globalization (Neoliberalism) – The Road to Perdition in Our Homeland
  9. Resisting Globalization (WTO Agreements)
  10. Virtues of De-Globalization
  11. Our Filipino Kind of Religion
  12. Our Filipino Christianity and Our God-concept
  13. When Our Religion Becomes Evil
THE RECTO READER is presented in several postings. Click each to open/read:

NOTE: Recto's cited cases, examples or issues were of his time, of course; but realities in our homeland in the present and the foreseeable future are/expectedly much, much worse. Though I am tempted to update them with current issues, it's best to leave them as they are since Recto's paradigms about our much deepened national predicament still ring relevant, valid and true. In short, Recto saw the forest and never got lost in the trees.- Bert

  1. THE FILIPINO MIND blog contains 532 published postings you can view, as of December 12, 2012. 
  2. The postings are oftentimes long and a few readers have claimed being "burnt out."  My apologies. The selected topics are not for entertainment but to stimulate deep, serious thoughts per my MISSION Statement and hopefully to rock our boat of  ignorance, apathy, complacency and hopefully lead to active citizenship.
  3. All comments are welcomed for posting at the bottom window. Comments sent by email will also be posted verbatim. However, ANONYMOUS COMMENTS WILL BE IGNORED.
  4. Visit my other website, click --> SCRIBD/TheFilipinoMind, or the SCRIB FEED at the sidebar, or type it on GOOGLE Search to read or download ebooks and PDFs of essays I have uploaded.  Statistics for my associated website:SCRIBD/theFilipinoMind : ALL FREE AND DOWNLOADABLE: 123 documents, 207,458 reads
  5. Some postings and other relevant events are now featured in Google+BMD_FacebookBMD_Twitter and BMD_Google Buzz and Google+.
  6. Translate to your own language. Go to the sidebar and Click on GOOGLE TRANSLATOR (56 languages - copy and paste sentences, paragraphs and whole articles, Google translates a whole posting in seconds, including to Filipino!!).
  7. Forwarding the posts to relatives and friends, ESPECIALLY in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. Use emails, Twitter, Google+, Facebook, etc. THANK YOU !!!
  8. Songs on Filipino nationalism: please reflect on the lyrics (messages) as well as the beautiful renditions. Other Filipino Music links at blog sidebar.  Click each to play.:


American Occupation & Control of the Philippines (Updated)

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PLEASE DONATE CORE SUBJECT BOOKS TO OUR HOMELAND (i.e. your hometown public schools, Alma Mater, etc.). Those books that you and/or your children do not need or want; or buy books from your local library during its cheap Book Sales. Also, cargo/door-to-door shipment is best.  It is a small sacrifice.  [clean up your closets or garage - donate books.THANKS!]
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These previous posts are core, essential about us native, Malay Filipinos; thus are always presented in each new post. I believe and think that, then and now, they cover issues which comprise major impediments to and millstones against the realization of the common good for the native Filipino majority. Click each to open/read.
  1. WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW:
  2. WHAT IS NATIONALISM [Filipino Nationalism]?
  3. Our Colonial Mentality and Its Roots 
  4. The Miseducation of the Filipino (Formation of our Americanized Mind) 
  5. Our Filipino Kind of Religion
  6. THE RECTO READER is presented in several postings. Click below for previous posts:
    NOTE: Recto's cited cases, examples or issues were of his time, of course; but realities in our homeland in the present and the foreseeable future are/expectedly much, much worse. Though I am tempted to update them with current issues, it's best to leave them as they are since Recto's paradigms about our much deepened national predicament still ring relevant, valid and true. In short, Recto saw the forest and never got lost in the trees.- Bert



THE FILIPINO MIND blog contains 530 published postings you can view, as of October 14, 2012. Go to the sidebar to search Past & Related Postings, click LABEL [number in parenthesis = total of related postings]; or use the GOOGLE SEARCH at the sidebar using key words [labels, or tags] for topics of interest to you. Also at the bottom of each posting, you can click a label or tag to open related topics.
The postings are oftentimes long and a few readers have claimed being "burnt out."  My apologies. As the selected topics are not for entertainment but to stimulate deep thought (see MISSION Statement) and hopefully to rock the boat of complacency. 
(1) Bold/Underlined words are HTML links. Click to see linked posts or articles.
(2) Scroll down to end of post to read or enter Comments. Any comment sent to my personal email will be posted here.
 ANONYMOUS COMMENTS WILL BE IGNORED. 
(3).Visit my other website SCRIBD/TheFilipinoMind; or type it on GOOGLE Search.View/Free Download pdf versions of: postings, eBooks, articles (120 and growing). Or another way to access, go to the sidebar of the THE FILIPINO MIND website and click on SCRIBD. PLEASE Share!
Statistics for my associated website:SCRIBD/theFilipinoMind :
119 FREE AND DOWNLOADABLE documents 
148,510 reads
2,750 downloads
(4). Some postings and other relevant events are now featured in Google+BMD_FacebookBMD_Twitter and BMD_Google Buzz. (<--- click each or all). Not so much to socialize but I try to maximize the available means for my mission.
(5) Translate to your own language. Go to the sidebar and Click on GOOGLE TRANSLATOR (56 languages - copy and paste sentences, paragraphs and whole articles, Google translates a whole posting in seconds, including to Filipino!!).(6).  From suggestions by readers, I have added some contemporary music to provide a break. Check out bottom of posting to play Sarah Brightman, Andrea Bocelli, Sting, Chris Botti, Josh Groban, etc. 
(7) Songs on Filipino nationalism: please reflect on the lyrics (messages) as well as the beautiful renditions. Other Filipino Music links at blog sidebar. 
BAYAN KO by Freddie Aguilar <--- click to play song.
”Bayan Ko” by KUH LEDESMA <--click to play song.
”Bayan Ko” by a Korean choir <--click to play song.
(8) Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, ESPECIALLY in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. Use emails, Twitter, Google+, Facebook, etc. below. THANKS!!
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"The Phillipines makes a decent representative example of the US' first official exercise in colonial imperialism and formal empire [*], also referred to as "civilizational imperialism" - a project we're presently repeatingLest this seem to be the bellicose pipedream of some dyspeptic desk soldier, let us remember that the military deal of our country has never been defensive warfare. Since the Revolution, only the United Kingdom has beaten our record for square miles of territory acquired by military conquest. Our exploits against the American Indian, against the Filipinos, the Mexicans, and against Spain are on a par with the campaigns of Genghis Khan, the Japanese in Manchuria and the African attack of Mussolini. No country has ever declared war on us before we first obliged them with that gesture. Our whole history shows we have never fought a defensive war. And at the rate our armed forces are being implemented at present, the odds are against our fighting one in the near future." - --Major General Smedley D. Butler, America's Armed Forces: 'In Time of Peace', 1935.1898-1914: The Phillipines.

The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925

"The glory of the United States is business" - Wendell L. Willkie, 1936

"Reciprocal free trade drastically limited Philippine ability to protect native manufacturing and radically stimulated a taste for American consumer goods. Money which might have gone, in a more austere culture, into capital investment, instead went into luxuries and prestige purchasing.". -  Theodore Friend, BETWEEN TWO EMPIRES: 1929-1946, YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1965


American Occupation and Control of the Philippines
This section is divided into two parts. First, the U.S. occupation of Philippines in the 19th century is discussed. Second, the re-establishment of U.S. control in the Philippines after World War II is examined and Filipino reactions.

The purpose of this section is to provide a historical background towards understanding the role that United States played in the Philippines' development in the post-World War I.I. era.


The First American Occupation

Resisting foreign rule is an integral part of the national history of the Filipino people. Subjugated by Spanish troops in the 16th century, the Philippines endured three centuries of oppressive rule. 

During that period, internal uprisings were brutally crushed, while Spanish administrators created a professional Filipino elite to control the restless peasant population. In the 18th century, the British arrived in the Philippines to advance their commercial and trading interests, heavily exploiting its labor and mineral resources.

With the defeat of Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898, U.S. forces moved to destroy their Filipino allies who had fought to expel the Spanish. Considered by Filipinos as America's first Vietnam, U.S. military actions resulted in a massive loss of indigenous life. By 1902, Filipino resistance was crushed. 


The U.S. occupation ended Spanish rule and it forced Great Britain to scale back its interests in the island chain and the Western Pacific region.In 1909, American free trade policies were imposed upon the Philippines, opening its fragile economy to American manufactures and foreign investment. These policies created an import-dependent agro-merchandising economic system that would plague the Philippines well into the 1980s.

The leading families of the Filipino elite (the Sorianos, the Zobels, the Ayalas, the Roxases, and the Ortigases) wholeheartedly embraced the free trade system. Because of this system, U.S. multinational corporations, big landowners, and investment capitalists took complete control of the economy, laying the foundations for economic dependency, low international reserves, high unemployment, limited per capita incomes, high inflation, and structural poverty.


Politically, the Philippines people adopted an American style Constitution in 1935, with the U.S. promise of full independence on 4 July 1946, raising the deepest hopes of nationalistic Filipinos that their country would finally win its freedom from foreign rule. Meanwhile the economic, financial, and trading ties to the American economy increased the tensions between the Filipino people and the United States.


The American co-optation of Filipino elites, however, acted as a firebreak to major internal rebellions and solidified American control of the country. The American control of the government and the economy was a classic exercise in political and economic colonialism, supported by covert destabilization and military operations against both nationalistic and communist dissidents in the Philippines.


In this repressive climate, the massive benefits generated by the unequal relationship went to U.S. investors, multinationals, and the Filipino elite. These benefits were not enjoyed by the poor.

The Second American Occupation

In the early 1940s, the Japanese occupation of the Philippines displaced the United States, ending the movement to republic status promised by the United States in 1935.

Because of the repression and brutality visited on ordinary Filipinos by the Japanese occupation regime, nationalism flowered to new heights, producing a strong indigenous resistance movement intent on defeating the Japanese, and terminating the vicious cycle of foreign imperialism and colonialism.

During the course of the heavy fighting with the Japanese, a majority of Filipinos believed that United States would provide their country with postwar aid to rebuild, given:


  1. the total destruction of the nation's economy and infrastructure; 
  2. the close ties between American and Filipino commanders and troops during the war; and 
  3. the "special relationship" that Filipinos thought that they had with the United States, despite their deep misgivings about the first imperialist occupation.

The Japanese military defeat by combined American and Filipino forces led by General Douglas McArthur reestablished U.S. political and economy control. Under the second American regime, the Filipino elite were co-opted again (they had also profited from their privileged relationship with the Japanese during W.W.II, many of whom were pardoned for their quisling activities after the war). 

To the surprise of many Filipinos, the promised post-W.W.II American aid (with strings attached as will be discussed below) was insignificant and very costly compared to the economic and financial assistance given to Europe and Japan.

Poor and middle class Filipinos, who carried the fight to the Japanese and experienced the worst deprivations during the war, were again the targets of bloody reprisals from the Filipino oligarchy and American military forces.

The rise of the HUK insurgency on Central Luzon island in the late 1940s, the Moro secessionist insurgency in the 1950s, and the Marxist-Leninist guerrilla movement of the 1970s demonstrated the anger of the peasantry (and the middle class) with the repressive Filipino oligarchy and the pervasive American influence in the Philippines.

The first president of the Philippines, Manuel Roxas (1946-48), allied his administration with the United States and actively promoted the Americanization of the economy.

To that end, the Roxas administration agreed with American pre-conditions to receive post-war economic and financial assistance. They included: 

  1. strict adherence to a conditionality program of both domestic economic downsizing and monetary frugality as determined by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) & The World Bank (WB)
  2. acceptance and implementation of the Bell Trade Act-1946, which called for free trade, parity (especially in public utilities and natural resources areas), and unlimited entry of American investment capital; and 
  3. the complete elimination of all direct and indirect restrictions on trade and investment and the acceptance and protection of American firms inside the country.

In March 1946, Roxas signed the U.S./Philippines Military Assistance Pact, which allowed the U.S. Military Advisory Group to advise, equip, and train the country's military officers and forces. Additionally, the Roxas administration approved 99-year basing rights guaranteeing the United States (later reduced to twenty-five years, from 1966 to 1991) "the right to retain the use, free of rent, of sixteen bases, an indeterminate numbers of cemeteries and historical sites, and the option to use seven other bases as the United States determines to be required by military necessity."

In this respect, over 400,000 acres of choice land came under direct American control. The bottom line was that the national defense of the Philippines was controlled by U.S. military and intelligence services (i.e. Army, Navy, Air Force, and the CIA. The Philippines military became totally dependent on the United States well into the 1980s (to the present -Bert 10/17/2012).

The second president, Elpidio Quirino (1948-53), initially allowed American political advisors complete freedom of action to interfere in the affairs of the Philippines. However, he later resisted the deepening American involvement in the country, and he quickly lost U.S. support. Gross interference in the Philippines' presidential election process had become standard operating procedure for the United States, in its quest to protect and advance its political, military, and economic interests in the country.

Ramon Magsaysay (1954-59)
was elected the third president of the Philippines with the political support of the United States (Lichauco, 56-57). In the economic domain, the Magsaysay administration agreed to the 1954 Laurel-Langley Agreement, which opened the floodgates for individual Americans and firms to invest in the national economy at the expense of Filipinos.

The consequences of the U.S.-imposed agreements were devastating, because they prevented the building of an independent industrial sector and agricultural sector capable of competing regionally and globally. The country' emerging agro-merchandising economy became totally dependent on the United States and the other large industrial states.


The Philippines Economy, 1950-1969

In the 1950s, the weak Philippines economy was economically underdeveloped industrially and agriculturally because of its structural dependency on the American economy.

Seeking to loosen its dependency, the Philippines actively pursued an import-substitution strategy to achieve higher employment, reduce domestic inflation and market interest rates, with the goal of creating stronger economic growth and accelerating modernization and industrialization. 


To do this, the Philippines sought to protect its economy in industry, mining, forestry, agricultural, and semi-manufactures with an overvalued exchange rate, strict monetary exchange controls, high tariffs, and other defensive measures.

However, these macroeconomic adjustment policies failed in a period of deregulation and a movement to an export-promotion strategy. These policies reopened the domestic economy to the United States, foreign multinationals, and foreign investors, at the expense of indigenous businesses and the masses of the Filipino people.


- Extracted from: US/PHILIPPINES ECONOMIC AND TRADING RELATIONS IN THE POST-COLD WAR PERIOD
Michael J. Siler, Ph.D.Department of Political ScienceCalifornia State University, Los Angeles
Prepared for June 26-28 1997 ASPAC Regional Conference, Pacific Grove, California.




"We have about 50% of the world's wealth but only 6.3% of its population.... Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships, which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and daydreaming, and our attention will have to be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world benefaction.... We should cease to talk about vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. The day is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better.- George Kennan, U.S. Secretary of State, Department memo, 1948


"The free trade relationship, which encouraged producers to concentrate on a few export crops, meant the continuation of a dependent and predominantly agricultural economy in the Philippines." - Shirley Jenkins, American Economic Policy Towards the Philippines, STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1954.