Showing posts with label EHM. Show all posts
Showing posts with label EHM. Show all posts

Thursday, April 08, 2010

The Philippines, the World Bank and the Race to the Bottom -- Part 2 of 4

"The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925

"What else do bankers do -- walk-in and turn-off the lights in the country." - William Slee, 1978




To read Part 1 of 4, click: Race to the Bottom_Part 1 
To read Part 3 of 4, click:( later)
To read Part 4 of 4: click: (later)

Throughout the years and especially come national election time, we Filipinos spend more time and energy on politics i.e. political criticismAt best and rarely, on matters and issues of political independence; at worst, oftentimes and more predominantly, on personalities of our politicians at the national or local level. 


I say these not to belittle the role of the enraging personal characters and public actions of many -if not most- of our politicians, local and national, since in our homeland these considerations have significantly contributed to the ever-deepening poverty with extremely dire consequences to our native citizenry, society and homeland. However...

We do not seem to appreciate the fact that economics: national economic development (political economy) is also extremely important and at this point in our history, requires equal, if not more, attention from the native citizenry. For without national economic independence, political independence becomes ineffective and meaningless. 


Just like an individual with nothing except debt, who therefore effectively becomes a person with no voice, does not count and is thus ignored. So we as a people, in our homeland and the world, are not in the radar of our native rulers and of many nations/peoples of the world.

Below piece (Part 2 of 4) came from a recent book written by former economic hit men/EHMindividuals who worked for years representing the largest American banks as loan officers to Third World countries like our homeland. These few EHM individuals later realized that they were tools of their financial institutions (multinational banks) by their work in arranging foreign loans to poor countries, including our homeland; giving loans that made them poorer. Their consciences made them tell us the tricks of their trade.

With our homeland as a primary example for the Foreign Debt Trap and as poster boy for the Third World, these EHM provide us insight on who they were, their background, how they did their transactions, whom they dealt with, the milieu they had, etc. Their works can only be summed up as the secretive modus operandi of creditors (multinational banks) and debtors (our homeland represented by our native and unelected, but wittingly or unwittingly-traitorous technocrats, chosen by each past and current ruling regimes) and how all of their subtle businesses led only to our continuing, decades-old and present national predicaments; characterized by deepening and expanding mass poverty, with all its adverse socioeconomic and political consequences.

By making the country (such as our homeland) as the main and only debtor (rather than lending directly to the private businesses who needed capital), the creditor banks via the IMF and WB tandem were able/can enforce payments, dictate to our subservient rulers all their desired changes in our government policies which greatly profit them; and conversely led to our national predicament. 


In the long run, as we now see or not still see, changes that negatively and gravely impact our domestic institutions/social services (health, education, infrastructure, etc.) national economy and patrimony, national sovereignty, destroy/discourage native entrepreneurship, etc. and further facilitated the penetration and dominance in our society by economic via transnationals and cultural globalization via the dominant foreign media --even before the term globalization aka neoliberalism became common currency.

All these to our national perdition.

- Bert

PS. I highly recommend the purchase of this very factual and enlightening book (readings): "A Game As Old As Empire - The Secret World of Economic Hit Men and the Web of Global Corruption", edited by Steven Hiatt, Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2007; [Some of the economic data are old; but the trend for newer ones are worsening - the only direction we have been heading from the time of the Marcos Dictatorship to the present and predictably in the next generation or so, given our lack of nationalism, selfishness and cowardice as the so-called educated, who ought to know better.]

"I either want less corruption, or more chance to participate in it." - Ashleigh Brilliant, 1933

"The accomplish to the crime of corruption is frequently our own indifference." - Bess Myerson, 1924-present

"Corruption is worse than prostitution. The latter might endanger the morals of an individual; the former invariably endangers the morals of the entire country." - Karl Kraus, 1874-1936.

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The World Bank made the Philippines a test case in its loan-based, export led development strategy --and the results were dictatorship, poverty and a crushing debt burden.

The Philippines, the World Bank and the Race to the Bottom
- Ellen Augustine

The Dark Side of Globalization
For those who work in the export industry, conditions are brutal:
  • Workers in the electronic industry tend to suffer from eye defects after 3 years of employment. Others complain of acid burns, skin rashes from epoxy resins, and other reactions due to solvents like trichloroethylene. Even if they are given gloves and masks, they do not use them because that slows them down and makes it difficult to reach their quota. They are not required by the company to use them, and, in fact, are not taught about the need for protective devices(10). 
  • In the tuna canning industry, 95% work under temporary contracts and 85% are women. when orders are high, workers are forced to work 12 hour-days; when demand is low, they get a few hours work. work is very tightly controlled. Workers are not allowed to speak to each other during work hours, they are not provided with drinking water, they do not receive sick or holiday pay, and wages are very low (11).


Confidential documents show that the world bank steadfastly propounded that the "comparative advantage of the Philippines lies in the utilization of skilled, low-wage labor (12)." Bending to Bank pressure to keep wages low, Marcos instituted a new Labor Code that allowed employers to pay new employees only 75% of the minimum wage during a 6-month probationary period. It is therefore a common practice for employers to fire workers just before the end of their probation (13)

By keeping employees on short contracts rather than permanent employees, employers avoid paying legislated benefits such as health care and pensions (14). According to the World Bank's own report, from 1972 to 1978 the real wages of unskilled workers declined by 30% and those of skilled workers by 25% (15).

Martial Law: Good for whom?
In addition to the economic turmoil caused by liberalization and wage repression, the Philippines was rocked by massive middle-and lower-class demonstrations, strikes, and rallies against Marcos and his elites and against US domination (16). Marcos' response was to declare a state of martial law in September 1972. US business gave its stamp of approval in the form of a congratulatory telegram: "The American Chamber of Commerce wishes you every success in your endeavor to restore peace and order, business confidence and cooperation..We are communicating the feelings of our associates and affiliates in the United States (17)."

The American public did not share the sentiment. Polls in the early 1970s showed 87% in favor of cutting aid to repressive regimes (18). But Marcos' authoritarian rule suited American foreign policy interests, and, exerting its controlling interest, the World Bank supported Marcos. As US government aid dropped (reflecting public sentiment) from $125M in 1972 to $72M in 1979 (19), confidential Bank statistics show that the Bank funneled $2.6B into 61 projects between 1983 and 1981 (20). This massive inflow allowed Marcos to shift domestic resources to more than triple his defense budget (21). Repressive measures increased bothy at home and abroad, particularly in the united States --including the assassination of anti-Marcos activists Silme Domingo and Gene Viernes in Seattle (22).

The early martial law years brought accomplishments that impressed Bank bureaucrats. GNP rose by 10% in 1973. Major efforts by government to attract foreign investments brought in $55M. High prices for agricultural exports shifted a $120M trade deficit in 1972 to a $270M surplus in 1973. Over the next 3 years economic growth leveled off however, and during 1977 to 1981 "the program began to unravel in spectacular fashion. (23)" A major reason for the decline was protectionist barriers put up by Canada, Europe, Japan and the United States. In two years alone, from 1978 to 1980, 33 barriers were erected to Philippine exports (24). Did the World Bank assess this trend and stop promoting export-led development to poor countries? Not at all. Did the Bank pressure developed countries to drop their barriers to Philippine goods? Of course not.

A Billion Here, A Billion There...
As the economy plummeted, the country's foreign debt skyrocketed. But, life was becoming more difficult for poor and middle-class Filipinos. Ferdinand Marcos and his wife, Imelda,were siphoning off billions from development projects. The amount they stole is not known precisely because of banking secrecy laws in the countries where they hid the money, but most accept the $10B estimate by the commission on Good Government, established to recoup the losses. In 1966, when Marcos came to power, Philippine foreign debt was $1B, at the time of his ouster twenty years later, it was $28B (25). The Marcos legacy lives on: Filipinos are still struggling to pay off many of these loans. [The Philippine government will pay $5.17 billion foreign debt service this year 2010, higher compared to 2009’s $4.34 billion. The country's outstanding foreign debt is $53.3 billion at end-December 2009, according to the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP). - Bert]

The Marcos clan used every possible avenue to amass wealth. Cronies wereinstalled at the highest level of government to broker deals. One particularly egregious deal, the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant, was handled by Marcos' buddy Herminio Disini, a regular golfing partner of Marcos' claimed that "he had the authority to arrange the deal in any way he wished." This nuclear plant was to be sited at the base of a volcano on an active earthquake fault. Marcos chose Westinghouse to build the reactor, even though its plan was nearly twice as expensive as General Electric's. 


Disini then collected $80M from Westinghouse for "assistance in obtaining the contract and for implementation services (26)." He passed on 95% of the fee to Marcos(27). The Philippine Atomic Energy Commission refused to give a permit until the plant was already under construction. 


At the point, Commissioner Librado Ibe issued the permit and then moved to the United States. As he later told Fortune Magazine, it was unsafe to resist Marcos' lieutenants for too long(28).

Imelda meanwhile was in charge of development in the Greater Manila area, the locus of most foreign investment. So pervasive was the corruption that she was nicknamed "Mrs. 10%" for the cut she allegedly took off the top of government contracts. As minister of human settlements, she administered vast sums, including aid from the US Agency for International Development (USAID).


"Those who profess to favor freedomand yet deprecate agitation
are men who want crops without plowing up the ground;
they want rain without thunder and
lightning.
They want the ocean without the
awful roar of its waters.
This struggle may be a moral one
or it may be a physical one
or it may be both moral and physical
but it must be a struggle.
Power concedes nothing without a
demand
It never did, and never will."
- - Frederick Douglass, Abolitionist, Author, Slave (1817-1895)
(from Fr. Pedro V. Salgado, O.P.,The Philippine Economy: History and Analysis, 1985)



"If the people are not completely free and happy, the fault will be entirely their own." - George Washington, shortly after the end of the American Revolution
......to be continued.








Thursday, July 02, 2009

Economic Hit Man EHM [Use of Globalization to Cheat Poor Countries] - John Perkins Interview

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"What else do bankers do -- walk-in and turn-off the lights in the country." - William Slee, 1978

"I sincerely believe that banking establishments are more dangerous than standing armies." - Thomas Jefferson, 1816
"The chief business of America is business" - President Calvin Coolidge, 1925





[ John Perkins was the first insider or EHM - economic hit man to reveal how systemic corruption -the modus operandi- of big transnational corporations, mostly American, have subverted the national economies of poor countries like our homeland. Below was his interview with Amy Goodman of Democracy Now.

I have worked for Bechtel Corporation and other big American E&C companies for several years and have been involved in so-called mega-projects (billion-dollar projects back in the early 1980s). We Bechtel engineers "knew" that our company has good connections in the Middle East. Bechtel used to reject hundred-million dollar projects since it only went for megas; and of course, we had a great time. Those were the good times in the oil/gas and petrochemical industries. Now, the US has mainly de-industrialized and instead import manufactured products and concentrated on the financial sector for the most part which I think, as an engineer, is the wrong direction for America or any other country to progress- industrialization creates real products, good jobs for more people, hones skills, etc. thus lifts the national economy. But this is another story.]

Update: Now, in The Secret History of the American Empire (2007), Perkins zeroes in on hot spots around the world and, drawing on interviews with other hit men, jackals, reporters, and activists, examines the current geopolitical crisis. Instability is the norm: It’s clear that the world we have created is dangerous and no longer sustainable. How did we get here? Who’s responsible? What good have we done and at what cost? And what can we do to change things for the next generations? Addressing these questions and more, Perkins reveals the secret history behind the events that have created the American Empire, including:

• The current Latin-American revolution and its lessons for democracy
• How the "defeats" in Vietnam and Iraq benefited big business
• The role of Israel as "Fortress America" in the Middle East
• Tragic repercussions of the IMF’s "Asian Economic Collapse"
• U.S. blunders in Tibet, Congo, Lebanon, and Venezuela
• Jackal (CIA operatives) forays to assassinate democratic presidents

From the U.S. military in Iraq to infrastructure development in Indonesia, from Peace Corps volunteers in Africa to jackals in Venezuela, Perkins exposes a conspiracy of corruption that has fueled instability and anti-Americanism around the globe. Alarming yet hopeful, this book provides a compassionate plan to reimagine our world.
John Perkins is the author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, a startling exposé of international corruption that spent over a year on the New York Times bestseller list. He is a founder and chairman of Dream Change, a nonprofit organization devoted to raising consciousness and creating a stable, sustainable, and peaceful world for future generations. Perkins has lectured and taught at universities on four continents including Wharton, Princeton, and Harvard, and is a champion for environmental and social causes. - AMAZON Books


I highly recommend these two books, very relevant and fact-filled, by John Perkins.  

- Bert

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“If knowledge can create problems, it is not through ignorance that we can solve them”. – Isaac Asimov, 1920-1992

"The selfish spirit of commerce knows no country, and feels no passion or principle but that of gain" - Thomas Jefferson, 1809


"You show me a capitalist, I'll show you a bloodsucker" - Malcolm X, 1965

"Capitalism and altruism are incompatible; they are philosophical opposites; they cannot coexist in the same man or in the same society" - Ayn Rand, 1961

"The glory of the United States is business" - Wendell L. Willkie, 1936

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November 09, 2004

Confessions of an Economic Hit Man: How the U.S. Uses Globalization to Cheat Poor Countries Out of Trillions

Perkinsj


We speak with John Perkins, a former respected member of the international banking community. In his book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man he describes how as a highly paid professional, he helped the U.S. cheat poor countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars by lending them more money than they could possibly repay and then take over their economies.


John Perkins describes himself as a former economic hit man–a highly paid professional who cheated countries around the globe out of trillions of dollars. 20 years ago Perkins began writing a book with the working title, “Conscience of an Economic Hit Man.”

Perkins writes, "The book was to be dedicated to the presidents of two countries, men who had been his clients whom I respected and thought of as kindred spirits–Jaime Roldós, president of Ecuador, and Omar Torrijos, president of Panama. Both had just died in fiery crashes. Their deaths were not accidental. They were assassinated because they opposed that fraternity of corporate, government, and banking heads whose goal is global empire. We Economic Hit Men failed to bring Roldós and Torrijos around, and the other type of hit men, the CIA-sanctioned jackals who were always right behind us, stepped in.


John Perkins goes on to write: “I was persuaded to stop writing that book. I started it four more times during the next twenty years. On each occasion, my decision to begin again was influenced by current world events: the U.S. invasion of Panama in 1980, the first Gulf War, Somalia, and the rise of Osama bin Laden. However, threats or bribes always convinced me to stop.

But now Perkins has finally published his story. The book is titled Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. John Perkins joins us now in our Firehouse studios.
  • John Perkins, from 1971 to 1981 he worked for the international consulting firm of Chas T. Main where he was a self-described “economic hit man.” He is the author of the new book Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.

Rush Transcript

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AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins joins us now in our firehouse studio. Welcome to Democracy Now!

JOHN PERKINS: Thank you, Amy. It’s great to be here.


AMY GOODMAN: It’s good to have you with us. Okay, explain this term, “economic hit man,” e.h.m., as you call it.

JOHN PERKINS: Basically what we were trained to do and what our job is to do is to build up the American empire. To bring—to create situations where as many resources as possible flow into this country, to our corporations, and our government, and in fact we’ve been very successful. We’ve built the largest empire in the history of the world. It’s been done over the last 50 years since World War II with very little military might, actually. It’s only in rare instances like Iraq where the military comes in as a last resort. This empire, unlike any other in the history of the world, has been built primarily through economic manipulation, through cheating, through fraud, through seducing people into our way of life, through the economic hit men. I was very much a part of that.


AMY GOODMAN: How did you become one? Who did you work for?

JOHN PERKINS: Well, I was initially recruited while I was in business school back in the late sixties by the National Security Agency, the nation’s largest and least understood spy organization; but ultimately I worked for private corporations. The first real economic hit man was back in the early 1950’s, Kermit Roosevelt, the grandson of Teddy, who overthrew of government of Iran, a democratically elected government, Mossadegh’s government who was Time‘s magazine person of the year; and he was so successful at doing this without any bloodshed—well, there was a little bloodshed, but no military intervention, just spending millions of dollars and replaced Mossadegh with the Shah of Iran.

At that point, we understood that this idea of economic hit man was an extremely good one. We didn’t have to worry about the threat of war with Russia when we did it this way. The problem with that was that Roosevelt was a C.I.A. agent. He was a government employee. Had he been caught, we would have been in a lot of trouble. It would have been very embarrassing. So, at that point, the decision was made to use organizations like the C.I.A. and the N.S.A. to recruit potential economic hit men like me and then send us to work for private consulting companies, engineering firms, construction companies, so that if we were caught, there would be no connection with the government.


AMY GOODMAN: Okay. Explain the company you worked for.

JOHN PERKINS: Well, the company I worked for was a company named Chas. T. Main in Boston, Massachusetts. We were about 2,000 employees, and I became its chief economist. I ended up having fifty people working for me. But my real job was deal-making. It was giving loans to other countries, huge loans, much bigger than they could possibly repay. One of the conditions of the loan—let’s say a $1 billion to a country like Indonesia or Ecuador—and this country would then have to give ninety percent of that loan back to a U.S. company, or U.S. companies, to build the infrastructure—a Halliburton or a Bechtel. These were big ones.
Those companies would then go in and build an electrical system or ports or highways, and these would basically serve just a few of the very wealthiest families in those countries.

 The poor people in those countries would be stuck ultimately with this amazing debt that they couldn’t possibly repay. A country today like Ecuador owes over fifty percent of its national budget just to pay down its debt. And it really can’t do it. So, we literally have them over a barrel. So, when we want more oil, we go to Ecuador and say, “Look, you’re not able to repay your debts, therefore give our oil companies your Amazon rain forest, which are filled with oil.”
And today we’re going in and destroying Amazonian rain forests, forcing Ecuador to give them to us because they’ve accumulated all this debt. So we make this big loan, most of it comes back to the United States, the country is left with the debt plus lots of interest, and they basically become our servants, our slaves. It’s an empire. There’s no two ways about it. It’s a huge empire. It’s been extremely successful.


AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. You say because of bribes and other reason you didn’t write this book for a long time. What do you mean? Who tried to bribe you, or who—what are the bribes you accepted?
JOHN PERKINS: Well, I accepted a half a million dollar bribe in the nineties not to write the book.


AMY GOODMAN: From?
JOHN PERKINS: From a major construction engineering company.

AMY GOODMAN: Which one?
JOHN PERKINS: Legally speaking, it wasn’t—Stone & Webster. Legally speaking it wasn’t a bribe, it was—I was being paid as a consultant. This is all very legal. But I essentially did nothing. It was a very understood, as I explained in Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, that it was—I was—it was understood when I accepted this money as a consultant to them I wouldn’t have to do much work, but I mustn’t write any books about the subject, which they were aware that I was in the process of writing this book, which at the time I called “Conscience of an Economic Hit Man.” And I have to tell you, Amy, that, you know, it’s an extraordinary story from the standpoint of—It’s almost James Bondish, truly, and I mean-–


AMY GOODMAN: Well that’s certainly how the book reads.
JOHN PERKINS: Yeah, and it was, you know? And when the National Security Agency recruited me, they put me through a day of lie detector tests. They found out all my weaknesses and immediately seduced me. They used the strongest drugs in our culture, sex, power and money, to win me over. I come from a very old New England family, Calvinist, steeped in amazingly strong moral values. I think I, you know, I’m a good person overall, and I think my story really shows how this system and these powerful drugs of sex, money and power can seduce people, because I certainly was seduced. And if I hadn’t lived this life as an economic hit man, I think I’d have a hard time believing that anybody does these things. And that’s why I wrote the book, because our country really needs to understand, if people in this nation understood what our foreign policy is really about, what foreign aid is about, how our corporations work, where our tax money goes, I know we will demand change.


AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to John Perkins. In your book, you talk about how you helped to implement a secret scheme that funneled billions of dollars of Saudi Arabian petrol dollars back into the U.S. economy, and that further cemented the intimate relationship between the House of Saud and successive U.S. administrations. Explain.
JOHN PERKINS: Yes, it was a fascinating time. I remember well, you’re probably too young to remember, but I remember well in the early seventies how OPEC exercised this power it had, and cut back on oil supplies. We had cars lined up at gas stations. The country was afraid that it was facing another 1929-type of crash—depression; and this was unacceptable. So, they—the Treasury Department hired me and a few other economic hit men. We went to Saudi Arabia. We—


AMY GOODMAN: You’re actually called economic hit men—e.h.m.’s?
JOHN PERKINS: Yeah, it was a tongue-in-cheek term that we called ourselves. Officially, I was a chief economist. We called ourselves e.h.m.‘s. It was tongue-in-cheek. It was like, nobody will believe us if we say this, you know? And, so, we went to Saudi Arabia in the early seventies. We knew Saudi Arabia was the key to dropping our dependency, or to controlling the situation. And we worked out this deal whereby the Royal House of Saud agreed to send most of their petro-dollars back to the United States and invest them in U.S. government securities.

The Treasury Department would use the interest from these securities to hire U.S. companies to build Saudi Arabia—new cities, new infrastructure—which we’ve done. And the House of Saud would agree to maintain the price of oil within acceptable limits to us, which they’ve done all of these years, and we would agree to keep the House of Saud in power as long as they did this, which we’ve done, which is one of the reasons we went to war with Iraq in the first place. And in Iraq we tried to implement the same policy that was so successful in Saudi Arabia, but Saddam Hussein didn’t buy.

When the economic hit men fail in this scenario, the next step is what we call the jackals. Jackals are C.I.A.-sanctioned people that come in and try to foment a coup or revolution. If that doesn’t work, they perform assassinations. or try to. In the case of Iraq, they weren’t able to get through to Saddam Hussein. He had—His bodyguards were too good. He had doubles. They couldn’t get through to him. So the third line of defense, if the economic hit men and the jackals fail, the next line of defense is our young men and women, who are sent in to die and kill, which is what we’ve obviously done in Iraq.


AMY GOODMAN: Can you explain how Torrijos died?
JOHN PERKINS: Omar Torrijos, the President of Panama. Omar Torrijos had signed the Canal Treaty with Carter much—and, you know, it passed our congress by only one vote. It was a highly contended issue. And Torrijos then also went ahead and negotiated with the Japanese to build a sea-level canal. The Japanese wanted to finance and construct a sea-level canal in Panama. Torrijos talked to them about this which very much upset Bechtel Corporation, whose president was George Schultz and senior council was Casper Weinberger. When Carter was thrown out (and that’s an interesting story—how that actually happened), when he lost the election, and Reagan came in and Schultz came in as Secretary of State from Bechtel, and Weinberger came from Bechtel to be Secretary of Defense, they were extremely angry at Torrijos—tried to get him to renegotiate the Canal Treaty and not to talk to the Japanese. He adamantly refused. He was a very principled man. He had his problem, but he was a very principled man.

He was an amazing man, Torrijos. And so, he died in a fiery airplane crash, which was connected to a tape recorder with explosives in it, which—I was there. I had been working with him. I knew that we economic hit men had failed. I knew the jackals were closing in on him, and the next thing, his plane exploded with a tape recorder with a bomb in it. There’s no question in my mind that it was C.I.A. sanctioned, and most—many Latin American investigators have come to the same conclusion. Of course, we never heard about that in our country.


AMY GOODMAN: So, where—when did your change your heart happen?
JOHN PERKINS: I felt guilty throughout the whole time, but I was seduced. The power of these drugs, sex, power, and money, was extremely strong for me. And, of course, I was doing things I was being patted on the back for. I was chief economist. I was doing things that Robert McNamara liked and so on.


AMY GOODMAN: How closely did you work with the World Bank?
JOHN PERKINS: Very, very closely with the World Bank. The World Bank provides most of the money that’s used by economic hit men, it and the I.M.F. But when 9/11 struck, I had a change of heart. I knew the story had to be told because what happened at 9/11 is a direct result of what the economic hit men are doing. And the only way that we’re going to feel secure in this country again and that we’re going to feel good about ourselves is if we use these systems we’ve put into place to create positive change around the world.

I really believe we can do that. I believe the World Bank and other institutions can be turned around and do what they were originally intended to do, which is help reconstruct devastated parts of the world. Help—genuinely help poor people. There are twenty-four thousand people starving to death every day. We can change that.


AMY GOODMAN: John Perkins, I want to thank you very much for being with us. John Perkins’ book is called, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man.

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