Showing posts with label Katipunan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Katipunan. Show all posts

Saturday, June 22, 2013

[Philippine] Independence As A Political Football


”We gave the Philippines political freedom to enter the world family of nations, but did we give them internal political liberty? More important still, did we grant them economic freedom?”  – Harold L. Ickes, longest tenured U.S. Secretary of the Interior (1933-1946)

"...the freedom America gave us in 1946 was freedom in a straitjacket." - Hernando J. Abaya, author of "Betrayal in the Philippines" (1946) & ""The Untold Philippine Story" (1967)


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Hi All,

It is always with great sadness and anger when I think, read about and see our fellow native Filipinos --the native (Malay) Filipino majority actually-- who are hungry, landless and illiterate, literally existing and not living life. 

And also always with sadness, sometimes coupled with anger at those who know and/or should know, realizing the historical ignorance of many among us natives who claim to be schooled/educated, exhibiting a curtain of ignorance of our true history. Therefore, a consequent failure to learn from the past, to repeat the mistakes of the past, to not see the forest from the trees.

In this particular case, ignorance of the preconditions to the granting of our supposed national independence, a loudly proclaimed grant from our former colonial master, the United States of America.  Strictly speaking, a grant is free, non-repayable to the grantor. But in this instance, the supposed political independence granted was not really a grant. 

As independence came with --still very few of us native Filipinos know and understand--  the imposed preconditions (see NOTES below) then and now, in terms of its real cost to our homeland and our fellow native countrymen... yesterday, today and  tomorrow and in generations yet to come. 

And no small thanks for this state-of-affairs --a devastating legacy-- courtesy of our much revered triumvirate of Commonwealth politicians: Manuel Quezon, Sergio Osmena and Manuel Roxas. Our misplaced reverence for such a bunch of duplicitous and opportunistic political leaders. 

A triumvirate of native Filipino politicians who were, in retrospect, our poster-boys of traitorously adept manipulators of the common tao and greatly emulated by many of our past and present politicians (we are not seeing statesmen here) in our greatly and disgustingly decayed Filipino politics.

Below essay by Mrs. Leticia R. Constantino provides a basic narrative on the history of our independence, as "granted" by the United States of America. 


- Bert




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[Philippine] Independence As A Political Football
- Leticia R. Constantino


"Immediate, absolute and complete independence!" - this was the slogan raised by Filipino leaders like Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmena during the decades of "peace time" following the ruthless suppression of the main mass resistance to direct American colonial rule.  

Those of us who do not have firsthand knowledge of that period would most likely be carried away by the brave words and take them at face value. We might even feel greatly indebted to the prominent Filipino politicians of those decades for raising high the banner of nationalism in accordance with the most cherished wishes of our people.

But let us reexamine that period more carefully and objectively and let us ask this question: Did our leaders then really mean what they so passionately advocated in their election campaigns and in the various "independence missions" to the United States? We will find the answer by studying the nature of colonial politics under American rule as well as the contradictory attitudes toward Philippine independence exhibited by various sectors of American society.

There were three major players in the game of winning Philippine independence:

  1. The Filipino people, 
  2. the Filipino politicians and 
  3. the United States.


The Filipino People

The Filipino people as a whole remains steadfast in their desire for independence. although the brutal suppression of their resistance, the effects of American education, the gradual grant of political autonomy by the colonial power and the latter's promise of independence finally led Filipinos to accept the idea that their freedom was to come as a grant from the United States, they wanted this freedom as early as possible. 

Therefore, only those leaders who pledged to work for "immediate, absolute and complete independence" could expect popular support. The electoral defeat in 1906 of the Progresistas (former Federalistas) whose platform called for "eventual" independence was an unforgettable lesson for all future politicians.

Unfortunately for the people, their revolutionary experience and the Katipunan's emphasis on political freedom from Spanish oppression and friar despotism (valid for its time) did not equip them to understand the economic objectives of US colonialism. Their own leaders, for reasons which will become clear farther on, did little to enlighten them on this score.

Hence, their desire for independence was focused on political sovereignty. They remained largely unaware of their country's growing economic dependence on the U.S. which would undermine the political freedom they sought.


The United States

The second player was the United States. The American people had fought their own anti-colonial war against England. Sectors which retained this anti-colonial tradition were sincere anti-imperialists. Others had selfish reasons for objecting to the annexation of the Philippines. 

Racists dreaded contamination from an "inferior people." Labor unions feared the entry of cheap Filipino labor; farmers did not want competition from Philippine agricultural crops. Some businessmen believed that the Philippines could become a market for US goods without becoming a colony. Together these sectors constituted a vocal opposition to annexation.

The advocates of colonization -- political and military leaders who wanted an empire, industrialists and businessmen who sought new markets for their products, new sources of raw materials, and new areas of investment --were more powerful. The Philippines was therefore annexed. However, American colonial policies toward the Philippines, including the various proposals to grant independence, represented a series of compromises between these two forces in American society.


The Filipino Politicians

 Caught in the middle and vacillating between the two were the Filipino politicians. The following aspects of colonial politics shaped their general behavior as politicians and in particular as leaders of the various independence missions:


  1. Most politicians came from the landed elite or represented their interests. The strict property and language requirements for voters imposed by the Americans in the first elections ensured that practically only the elite could vote and be elected to office (see SM-3). By the time qualifications were liberalized, political leadership was safely in their hands.
  2. Since most politicians were partial to landowners (who controlled the votes of their tenants and were also important source of funds for electoral campaigns), they did not object to the US policy of free trade which stimulated such export crops such as sugar, copra and hemp. As we shall see later, the fact that independence could end the duty-free entry of these crops into the American market was a constant preoccupation of our national leasers.
  3. The American policy of gradual granting autonomy plus the fact that the governor-general retained the power of appointment forced Filipino leaders to cooperate with him since they were constantly asking for more prerogatives for themselves and government jobs for their political supporters on whom their own re-election depended.
  4. In view of all the foregoing, there was no real difference among the contending political parties and personalities of the period. They all had vested interests and career expectations to protect and cultivate within the political framework set up by the Americans. They all stood for independence, for as Manuel Roxas once admitted, Filipino leaders were forced to use "radical statements" for "immediate, complete and absolute independence" to "maintain hold of the people."

    While all probably wanted independence eventually, their primary concern was to secure absolute autonomy (which would mean more power for themselves) and higher quotas for Philippine agricultural exports to the US (which would mean more profits for landowners). 

    Since all were birds of the same feather, they could easily switch from one party to another; parties could split and later coalesce. But whatever they did, politicians knew that the way to achieve their highest ambitions and remain at the top was to convince the people that they were working for independence.

Top political leaders led the various independence missions. many of these missions were actually only begging expeditions for more autonomy; however, since each concession of power was presented as a step toward independence, the people hailed the missioners as the heroes of the hour. 

Thus was born the Filipino leaders' bad habit of campaigning for electoral votes in Washington and also the popular belief that we must elect leaders in the good graces of the United States so they can "bring home the bacon."


Independence Missions to the United States

A brief review of the independence missions will yield concrete examples of the foregoing discussions:

The Jones Law of 1916 which promised to recognize the independence of the Philippines "as soon as a stable government can be established therein" was the go-ahead signal for the first of many independence missions. The top Filipino leaders, Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmena, had been in favor of the Jones Bill since it was first submitted to the US Congress in 1912 because it would give autonomy to local officials.

However, both Quezon and Osmena were against the Clarke Amendment to this bill which would have given the Philippines independence by 1920.  This amendment was defeated when authorities of the Catholic Church pressured Catholic members of Congress to vote against it.

At that time Quezon said that what he really wanted was an Act which would stabilize relations between the Philippines and the U.S. for 25 years. He admitted, though, that it would be hard to convince the Filipino people to approve of his idea. 

Yet Quezon's image in the Philippines was that of a fiery fighter for independence. When the independence mission of 1918 had to be postponed because the U.S. authorities had other matters to attend to (World War 1 had just ended), "Quezon, in a rage, talked of breaking relations with Washington, even starting a revolution; a mass resignation by the entire government was considered " Expectedly, the tempest lasted only briefly, because the Filipino leaders agreed to the delay.

Quezon led another mission in 1922 and Roxas headed one in 1923 which asked that the US government recall Governor -General (G-G) Wood and install a Filipino G-G or grant independence forthwith. This was of course sheer bravado. President Coolidge ignored both demands and nothing happened. 

By 1924, Roxas was again heading a mission. This time, a number of independence bills were presented in Congress. One of them, the Fairfield Bill, provided for an elective Filipino G-G, a transition government  and independence in 30 years. Incidentally, the Fairfield Bill directed that English remain as the medium of instruction.

Quezon, Osmena and Roxas were in favor of the bill. In fact, Gen. McIntyre, Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, claimed that he prepared the bill at the instance of Quezon and Osmena. But when popular sentiment rose against it principally because of the long waiting period, the three denied that they had accepted the bill's onerous provisions. 

To cover their tracks, they had the Philippine legislature pass a resolution demanding "immediate, absolute and complete independence." During the squabble on the matter, the missioners' fabulous expenses were exposed. Each had a clothing allowance of $900 plus stipends up to $90 per day. The mission spent $150,000 in 6 months.

Contrary to their public posture, both Quezon and Osmena had begun to consider the idea of dominion status for the Philippines. In 1928, Quezon told G-G Henry Stimson, "Give us certainty and we will take dominion status" but "if you quote me on this, I will say you lie." 

Not only were these leaders afraid of losing electoral support, they were afraid of each other, as neither Osmena nor Quezon talked publicly of dominion status. If one of them ever dared, the other one would surely pose as the champion of independence and brand his rival as a traitor to the people's ideal.

Quezon did attempt to test public opinion with a proposal to work for an autonomous government with free trade and a plebiscite after 10 years so the people could decide if they wanted absolute independence or the continuation of the autonomous government with the same trade preferences. Public opinion was against it. Osmena, though he privately agreed with Quezon, took the politically popular step of demanding "immediate, absolute and complete independence."

Quezon's stand reflected the increasing reluctance of the Filipino elite to sacrifice their prosperous dependence for the uncertainties of freedom. Fully 80% of Philippine exports went to the US while american products accounted for 65% of Philippine imports.

In the end, it was not the agitation of Filipino leaders that produced the "grant" of independence but pressure from powerful sectors in the United States. By 1931, the U.S. was in the throes of a severe depression which had started dramatically with the stock market crash of October 1929. Farm wages were the lowest in 30 years and farm sales had gone down 50%.

For years, agricultural pressure groups had campaigned against free trade; they now demanded that their representatives in congress vote for independence for the Philippines as they could eliminate competition from tariff-free Philippine exports. Unemployment was high, so labor unions joined the clamor for Philippine independence to close the door to Filipino immigrant labor. Japan had invaded Manchuria in September 1931; many Americans wanted to get rid of their colony to avoid entanglement in any Far East conflict.

Thus, the Osmena-Roxas mission of 1931 "succeeded" in securing the passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act (HHC). They were the heroes of the hour, something which Quezon could not allow. The issue of independence would become a political football one more time. 

Quezon opposed the bill declaring that under it "the Philippines would remain a conquered province of the U.S," that the provisions on the free entry of American goods would perpetuate our dependence, and that the retention of military, naval and other reservations was "inconsistent with true independence" and would "violate national dignity." 

Quezon succeeded in making the Philippine legislature reject the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. The legislature then appointed Quezon to head another independence mission. In 1934, the U.S.Congress saved his face with the Tydings-McDuffie Law. With minor changes, it was a word-for-word copy of the previous independence act. 

The big difference was that by bringing home the bacon himself, he was assured of becoming the president of the Commonwealth.

The Philippines was on the road to political independence but her leaders had not worked to secure her economic independence. Though he was describing the kind of independence we would get under the HHC Act, Senator Claro M. Recto's description of the freedom we finally received was painfully accurate,

"...a freedom which is only nominal, a freedom rendered unholy by mercenary motives, a freedom incarcerated on land and on sea by the powerful navies of a foreign power, in a territory which has been parceled out to alien hands their share in the most unequal transaction and the most ignominious surrender."


References:

  1. Renato Constantino, A Past revisited, Quezon City, Tata Publishing Services, 1975.
  2. Teodoro A. Agoncillo and Milagros C. Guerrero, History of the Filipino People, Quezon City  MALAYA Books, 1970.
  3. Joseph F. Hutchinson  Jr. "Quezon's Role in Philippine Independence," in Compadre Colonialism, Studies on the Philippines Under american Rule, edited by Norman G. Owens, Michigan papers on South and Southeast Asia, November 3, 1971.
  4. Renato constantino, The making of A Filipino, Quezon City, MALAYA Books, 1969.
  5. Theodore Friend, Between Two Empires - the Ordeal of the Philippines 1929-1946, New Haven, Yale university Press, 1965
  6. Peter W. Stanley, The Philippines and the United States 1899-1921, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard university Press, 1974.


SOURCE:  ISSUES WITHOUT TEARS, Volume 3, SM-36
                     - Leticia R. Constantino, TAP Director, 1984


NOTES: regarding the mentioned preconditions, please click the following related links:
:
  1. President Roxas Railroaded the Approval of Bell Trade Act (Philippine Trade Act),1946 & Military Bases Agreements
  2. Bell Trade Act-1946 (Parity Rights)
  3. US Military Bases & Military Assistance Agreements (1947)

Also. you can freely download in pdf version the two out-of-print books (mentioned in a quotation at the beginning of post) : "Betrayal in the Philippines" and "The Untold Philippine Story" by Hernando J. Abaya. I suggest printing them to facilitate reading.

Click these links:

Abaya had to flee our homeland in 1946 as he earned the ire of those in power during the Manuel Roxas regime when his first book -Betrayal-  was published.

"We have about 50% of the world's wealth but only 6.3% of its population.... Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships, which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and daydreaming, and our attention will have to be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world benefaction.... We should cease to talk about vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. The day is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better." -- George Kennan, U.S. Secretary of State, Department memo, 1948

"In order to read the destiny of a people, it is necessary to open the book of its past." - Dr. Jose P. Rizal




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Hi All,

The below link will show a short list of my past posts (out of 540 posts so far) which I consider as basic topics about us native (indio)/ Malay Filipinos. This link/listing, which may later expand, will always be presented at the bottom of each future post.  Just point-and-click at each listed item to open and read. 


Thank you for reading and sharing with others, especially those in our homeland.

- Bert

PLEASE POINT & CLICK THIS LINK:  
http://www.thefilipinomind.com/2013/08/primary-postsreadings-for-my-fellow.html



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Tuesday, August 14, 2012

General Macario Sakay - An Authentic Filipino Revolutionary Hero; A "Bandit" According to Americans


" WE DO NOT WANT FILIPINOS. WE WANT THE PHILIPPINES. All of our troubles in this annexation matter have been caused by the presence in the Philippine Islands of Filipinos...The islands are enormously rich; they abound in dense forests of valuable hardwood timber; they contain mines of precious metals.; their fertile lands will produce immense crops...But unfortunately they are infested with Filipinos...They are indolent. They raise only enough food to live on; and they occupy land which might be better utilized to much better advantage by Americans. Therefore the more of them killed, the better." 

- A San Francisco Weekly Defends the Army. from The American Spirit - US History as Seen by Contemporaries, Vol.II, edited by Thomas A Bailey (Boston: DC Heath & Co., 1963 & 1968)
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NOTES TO READERS:  Colored and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posts/articles. Forwarding this and other posts to relatives and friends, especially those in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. To share, use all social media tools: email, blog, Google+, Tumblr,Twitter,Facebook, etc. THANKS!!
Click the following underlined title/link to checkout these Essential/Primary Readings About Us Filipino Natives:

" Fear history, for it respects no secrets" - Gregoria de Jesus (widow of Andres Bonifacio)


Gen. Macario Sakay, seated, 2nd from right





"Water Boarding" aka "Water Cure"






"Kill Everyone Over 10 (years old)" - Gen. Jacob Smith in Samar

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Hi All,

I vaguely remember native Filipino heroes during my early years in grade school and apparently not much during my high school years and nothing at the university level. I believe this lack of knowledge or teaching about our own native heroes (and traitors) is one major weakness in our formal schooling and consequently the failure to appreciate and nurture Filipino nationalism  in the homeland. 

We native Filipinos seem to be aware or "know" more about foreign heroes, i.e. American, thanks to our Americanized schooling (English and American-authored books,etc.), mass media, Hollywood, our streets named after American colonial rulers (civilian and military) without really knowing what they really did to our people and homeland, that is, how much they brutally subdued our Katipuneros and aborted our nascent republic during the American War on Filipino nationalists so-called “Philippine Insurrection” (America’s Hidden War of 1899). In parallel, the ordinary Americans-in-the-street grow up fully ignorant of this hidden/glossed-over American war on Filipinos, thanks to the sanitized American history books in their schools that in turn led to their belief in American exceptionalism.

I stumbled into the below article, a bit dated, by Ms. Carmen Guerrero-Nakpil about General Macario Sakay, a great Filipino revolutionary and nationalist fighting the Americans in latter's duplicity and intervention in our national struggle for independence against Spain. It reminds us that we had native forefathers who were truly nationalists; real heroes that deserve our remembrance and emulation; as they were knowledgeable about authentic nationalism, i.e. struggle for the common good of the native Malay Filipino (versus the hypocrisy in the American gospel of manifest destiny, benevolent assimilation, etc.).

[NOTE: There are native Filipinos who say "let us not spend too much time about the past and just move on."  They just want to go on their own merry ways as they have already "made it," so to speak. We do not need them as they are the present and future running dogs of the foreigners in our homeland. They are the opportunistic cop-outs in /traitors to the homeland.

To know the past is the first step to understand the present and learn from it, i.e. mistakes committed and to not repeat them. History does not repeat itself, history is not deterministic; it is people who make history. It is us people who make or avoid or repeat mistakes. It is us native Filipinos who can and should make the necessary, nationalist changes/directions for the future generations of native Filipinos and for a nationalist history that will be written. To fellow native Filipinos who truly care. it is obvious that ignorance of the past is not bliss. 

To those who still  wonder "why dig the past": We engage in revisiting and revising our past, i.e. historical "revisionism", to develop new emphases and raise new questions on assumptions and explanations for key historical issues and policies --given by our former colonial master America, government officials and authors of history books, then and now. 

The 50-year American colonial (direct) governance to the so-called granting of Philippine "Independence" in 1946 did not end. To ensure indefinite American neocolonial (indirect) governance post-independence, three American initiatives, i.e. Bell Trade or Parity Act (1946), Military Bases Agreement (1947) and Military Assistance Pact (1947) were imposed as conditions for the  payment of WW2 damages. Thus, these conditions rendered our supposed independence virtually meaningless and crippled the capacity for national development. 

Fast forward today, Neocolonialism (neoimperialism) has been euphemistically repackaged and enforced since 1995 via WTO "agreed" rules as  "globalism or globalization." ]

- Bert, 8/14/2012


“The HISTORY of an oppressed people is hidden in the lies and the agreed myth of its conquerors.” - Meridel Le Sueur, American writer, 1900-1996

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THE MARK OF SAKAY - THE VILIFIED HERO OF OUR WAR WITH AMERICA
By Carmen Guerrero Nakpil (The Philippine Star) Updated September 08, 2008 12:00 AM

The mark of Macario Leon Sakay was the long, jet-black luxuriant hair that, uncut and un-trammeled, cascaded from the top of a head, always held high and audaciously, down to his shoulders. With it, Sakay left a large imprint on the annals of the Philippine Revolution against Spain of 1896 and the Filipino-American War of 1899, for the sight of him on his horse, riding against the wind, at dawn or the dead of night, his black mane streaming behind him in order to set right some urgent wrong, alarmed his people’s enemies but gave instant hope to their hapless cause.

He had begun life as a fatherless boy (Sakay was his mother’s surname) in congested, urban-poor, Tondo on Tabora St., earning a living doing odd jobs as a blacksmith or as occasional tailor, also as an actor in street theater and comedias, but mostly as a barber. When he made his commitment to Philippine Independence by joining his friend, Andres Bonifacio’s Katipunan, he made hair the symbol of resistance and vowed he would cut his only after he had defeated the Americans.

During his brief lifetime, Sakay became the scourge of all his country’s oppressors — the Spaniards, the Americans, the misguided half-bloods and compatriots — trying in every way he knew to secure freedom from injustice for his people. He was more determined than Rizal, more fortunate than Bonifacio, purer than Aguinaldo, more lyrically mysterious than Mabini. If Filipinos had won the war with America, he would probably have been our Simon Bolívar or our Ho Chi Minh.

Instead, because most history is written by the victors and their partisans and in the American years, Filipino schoolbooks and acceptable public opinion followed the black propaganda of the American annexation and “pacification,” several generations of Filipinos lived and died, believing that Sakay was a criminal with lunatic pretensions, a brigand and a ludicrous bandit. In the late 1930s Lamberto Avellana, my brother Leoni’s chum from the American Jesuit Ateneo, movie director and National-Artist-to-be, made a film about Sakay where he was portrayed as the villainous bandit, with the Philippine Constabulary officer playing hero and leading man (Leopoldo Salcedo.)

What a little research can undo. After Independence, scholars’ intent on writing history from a Filipino viewpoint began to review the colonial versions and examine old records. They came to the conclusion that Sakay was an authentic hero in the best tradition of Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto and Apolonio Samson who were his comrades-in-arms in the Katipunan. Far from being a bandit, he was a glorious die-hard, incredibly brave and tenacious, a heroic hold-out for Philippine Independence.

In 1952, Antonio K. Abad, a member of the Philippine Historical Society, published the definitive biography, General Macario L. Sakay: — the only President of the Tagalog Republic. Was He a Bandit or a Patriot? The foreword by Prof. Teodoro A. Agoncillo, read, “No Filipino has been so maligned in history as General Macario Sakay…Sakay and his men lived dangerously and thus invited the hatred of the early Americans who started a double-barreled campaign of imperialism and liquidation. The Americans called them bandits and outlaws… Mr. Antonio K. Abad has recreated the hero out of a mass of documents…His work is a vindication of the much maligned man who dared posterity to emulate his deep devotion to the ideals of independence.”

UP Prof. Renato Constantino also published his findings in the 1960s, demolishing the American colonial libel about Sakay. But colonial propaganda and its lies have a long shelf-life. Only last week I was painfully surprised when a couple of my Manileño friends, in reply to my remark that I was writing about Sakay, replied dismissively, “Oh, that bandit.”

After a hundred years, we still need the backstory of the Revolution against Spain in 1896 and our war with America in 1899 to understand Sakay and his generation.

The day Rizal was exiled to Dapitan, in July 1892, a group of middle-class Manileños met at a private residence on Azcarraga (now Recto) and founded the Katipunan (Ang Kataastaasang Kagalanggalangan Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan), the secret society that planned and initiated the armed struggle against Spain. In four years, the K.K.K.’s membership rose to almost 30,000: students, workers, merchants, farmers from the eight provinces that started the Revolution. Sakay was an early joiner.

After that disastrous first battle in San Juan in August, 1896, Sakay joined the forces that encamped in the hills of Marikina and Montalban and fought in the Katipunan battles, including the victory at San Mateo. After several reverses, the Manila Katipuneros retreated to Cavite where a new general, Emilio Aguinaldo, turned the tide, defeated Bonifacio in a power struggle (Aguinaldo’s Caviteño Magdalo vs. Bonifacio’s Manileño Magdiwang) and went on to win many encounters. The Spanish government called a truce and negotiated the Pact of Biyak-na-Bato.

The heads of the Revolutionary Army retreated to Hongkong, from where they spent the Spanish indemnity money on arms, befriended the US Consuls in Hong Kong and Singapore and resumed the Revolution in 1898 at the height of the Spanish-American War, assuming that the Americans were their allies and protectors. Aguinaldo proclaimed Philippine Independence in Cavite in June, 1898, with the revolutionary forces 80,000 strong, laid successful siege to Spanish Manila, proceeded to liberate Luzon and expected to enter the beleaguered capital and install a Philippine Independent Republic.

But the US had an altogether different agenda. It kept the Filipino forces from entering the city, signed a treaty of surrender with Spain and American troops entered Manila all by themselves, proclaiming the start of the US Occupation, on Aug. 13, 1898.

Dewey had destroyed the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay on May 1, and land troops, newly arrived under Gen. Wesley Merritt, took possession. They had to wait, however, for the Treaty of Paris in which Spain ceded a colony it no longer held to the US for $20 million, and started in February 1899, a first military
encounter with Filipino troops holding the trenches around Sta. Mesa. 

The Filipino-American War was formally settled in 1902, after the capture of Aguinaldo in his mountain hideout in Palanan, Isabela, in 1901. But Filipino guerrilla action against the US forces did not end until 1907 when the first Filipino parliament was allowed by the US America spent $300 million more pacifying the Filipinos they thought they had bought at the bargain-basement price of $20 million.

Having survived the Revolution against Spain, Sakay was, at the beginning of the Philippine resistance to the US, an undercover man in Manila where he tried to reactivate the Katipunan, organizing commandos and intelligence and sabotage units. While head of the Dapitan section of the K.K.K., Magdiwang in Manila, Sakay was arrested and jailed by US authorities and released under the general amnesty of July 1902. He quickly took to the hills and organized huge guerrilla forces which operated in Rizal, Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, and the foothills of Mt. Banahaw. No ragtag band, just one of Sakay’s commanders had 4,000 troops.

In his mountain lair, he proclaimed, on May 6, 1902 the establishment of the Kapuluang Katagalugan (The Tagalog Archipelago) with himself as president, Francisco Carreon as vice-president and Lt. Gen. Julian Montalan as chief of staff. The terms “Tagalog Archipelago” were chosen in contrast to the “Philippine Republic” of the rival Aguinaldo Magdalo.

In a second manifesto, a constitution was enacted and published in Tagalog and Spanish in newspapers edited by Lope K. Santos, proclaiming the Tagalog Archipelago as the “true revolutionists, with a government at Dimas-Alang,” beseeching the representatives of other nations “for help in acquainting the world with our true intent and aims for our unfortunate country.” Sakay’s government had a flag, a system of taxation, a disciplined army consisting of regular battalions and regiments of infantry, artillery, engineer and medical corps with separate commands in full uniform.

It operated in total defiance of the hugely superior, first modern foreign army, infuriating and mocking US authorities in Manila. It was a hard state with strict laws impersonally and impartially executed, especially capital punishment and physical maiming imposed on informers, collaborators, and spies of the US government. It took the Americans 3,000 troops and two more years to think they had defeated Sakay. Although, “pacification” had formally ended, there was no let-up in the attacks of Sakay’s forces on US installations.

At last in 1905-06, the Americans devised a more successful trap. First, they passed a Brigand Act defining all forms of resistance to US rule as criminal acts deserving of capital punishment. American officials were able to wean many of the ilustrado elite from their anti-colonial advocacies. Men like T. Pardo de Tavera formed the Federalista Party that aspired to statehood in the US Union; the Paternos, Aranetas, Benitezes participated in other events; Epifanio de los Santos became a delegate to the US Exposition in St. Louis in 1904.

Alongside with Sakay’s guerrillas, bands of highwaymen, robbers, cattle-rustlers operated in the Luzon countryside and, when caught, claimed to be Sakay’s troops. Sakay himself, a dashing, romantic figure, was rumored to have kidnapped the comely wife of a provincial governor who vowed revenge. One of the most charming, persuasive ilustrados, Dr. Dominador Gomez, was asked by the Americans to approach Sakay and discuss amnesty for his thousands of soldiers.

Gen. Leon Villafuerte later testified that Dr. Gomez had told Sakay and his officers that, “The American governor-general has promised to create a national assembly of our countrymen elected by the people where our leaders can be trained for eventual self-government. As soon as we prove ourselves capable, we shall be granted independence.” After long treks to Tanay and several visits by Dr. Gomez, Sakay, Carreon, Villafuerte, Montalan and de Vega came to Manila on a safe-conduct pass from the Americans. Dressed in rayadillo uniforms, carrying pistols and daggers, their long hair neatly combed, they came on foot with hundreds of overjoyed townspeople showering them with food and other gifts, guitar music and singing. People acclaimed them as celebrity heroes and they were feted at banquets and dances.

On July 17, they were invited to a town fiesta in Cavite by US Col. Van Shaick, the acting Cavite governor. An orchestra played dance music amid American flags and bunches of flowers. At 11:30 a.m., US officers, pistols in hand, walked in and although Sakay fought unarmed against “his giant attacker,” he and his officers were disarmed. The building was surrounded by Filipino Constabulary officers.

Gen. Villafuerte shouted, “We have been betrayed and we are trapped. Doctor, what is the meaning of this?” Dr. Gomez stepped forward: “There’s no use fighting.” Sakay’s eyes were bloodshot. He said, “Tell the Americans to face us in the open field, in honorable battle.” And to the Filipino Constabularios, he remarked, “Aren’t you ashamed of what you are doing?” Manacled, they were taken by boat to the Hotel de Oriente in Binondo and then to Bilibid Prison. Captain Rafael Crame presided over the preliminary investigation and the accused were charged under the Brigand Act. They were defended by Attys. Felipe Buencamino and Ramon Diokno (father of the great anti-Marcos militant Pepe Diokno).

In Bilibid, the prisoners were allowed visits by family and friends who were astoundingly numerous, bringing food, gifts, letters. Sympathizers who pleaded for clemency, included Aguinaldo, Gregorio Aglipay, the Iglesia Filipina Independiente, the Liga de Mujeres, the Union Obrera Democratica. The prisoners also witnessed prison atrocities (which today recall Guantanamo and Abu-Ghraib): 300 members of the Sakay forces were secretly hanged inside Bilibid and 100 more were injected with lethal serum. 

Many of them had surrendered because Sakay had told his troops they would not be harmed because the Americans had promised a congress of elected Filipino representatives who would rule the country if they abjured armed resistance. At the trial at the Court of First Instance, using false witnesses, Sakay and his men were accused of robbery in band, murder, rape, summary executions, arson, kidnapping.

Dr. Dominador Gomez instructed them to plead “guilty” because they would then be pardoned. The public defenders, Attys. Buencamino and Diokno, advised them to plead “not guilty,” to show both innocence and non-recognition of US sovereignty. On Aug. 6, 1907, Judge Ignacio Villamor (who would become UP president) convicted them. Those who had pleaded not guilty, like Sakay and de Vega, were hanged. The others, who had listened to Dr. Gomez, had their death sentences commuted or were later released.

A discrepancy intrudes at this point. Just who was Dr. Dominador Gomez? The agent chosen by the Americans to lure Sakay into leaving his headquarters in the mountains of Tanay to come to Manila? From William J. Pomeroy and the National Historical Institute; we learn that he was a medical doctor, a graduate from the University of Sto. Tomas, who in 1903, at the beginning of the American regime, had taken over from Isabelo de los Reyes the leadership of the Union Obrera and had participated in a large anti-American rally. 

Gomez was arrested for sedition, tried and convicted to four years of hard labor and ordered to pay a fine. His case was on appeal to the Supreme Court (manned by US justices), his sentence un-served, when he began to negotiate Sakay’s surrender, going on arduous treks to Tanay for long discussions, showing a letter from the US governor-general that promised a Filipino assembly, “the door to freedom,” if Sakay and his generals laid down their arms.

The American betrayal in Cavite, Sakay’s and his men’s trial, and conviction has already been told in this article. What remains to be noted is that, two weeks after Sakay was hanged, Dr. Dominador Gomez’s pending case was summarily revived and quickly dismissed for “insufficient evidence.” Gomez then went on to become a representative for the First Philippine Assembly of 1907 where he was denounced and expelled by Sergio Osmeña and Manuel Luis Quezon, for having served as a surgeon in the Spanish army in Cuba and received a medal from the Spanish queen during the Spanish-American War. But in 1909, Gomez was re-elected to a second term because, despite his previous disgraceful expulsion, he was backed by the US authorities. The facts speak for themselves. Sakay was the plea bargain.

At 8:30 in the morning, on Sept. 13, 1907, Sakay and Col. Lucio de Vega were taken from their bartolina to the gallows. Reaching the platform, Sakay shouted at the top of his lungs, “I face the Lord Almighty calmly but we must tell you that we are not bandits and robbers as the Americans accuse us, but members of the revolutionary force that defended our country. Long live the Philippines! Adios Filipinas!” Sakay was 37.

The day before, a big crowd of Manila residents had gathered in front of Malacañang Palace in an unusual, emotional demonstration pleading for clemency, but the American governor-general refused to see them. Almost the same crowd, larger and more vociferous, was at the gates of Bilibid Prison asking to be allowed to wrap the bodies of Sakay and Col. De Vega in Katipunan flags before they were buried. They were refused.

The US Government kept their word about calling a Filipino assembly. In October 1907, the First Philippine Assembly of Filipinos elected (by men of property) was inaugurated at the Manila Grand Opera House on Calle Cervantes (now Rizal Avenue) by Secretary of War William H. Taft. Acting Secretary of the Philippine Commission Ferguson read the Spanish translation of Taft’s speech, followed by an invocation by Bishop Barlin. After the roll call, with names like Gabaldon, Gomez, Guerrero, Imperial, Osmeña, Palma, Quezon, Velarde, De Veyra, roundly applauded, the session was adjourned till the afternoon. A young delegate from Cebu, Sergio Osmeña was elected Speaker by acclamation.

But Philippine Independence was granted by America only 40 years later, on 4 July 1946, after a devastating war, and on several conditions: equal rights to US citizens in the development of natural resources, US military bases in perpetuity, economic treaties including the onerous “free trade” (that denied industrialization to this country), also interventions in Philippine elections and in foreign and educational policies.

 It was the kind of independence, Macario Leon Sakay, Katipunero and patriot, an “organization genius” as his American captors described him, never would have settled for or even considered. He would have chosen instead to die fighting America, if he had known the truth and seen the future of his adored Filipinas.


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(The National Historical Institute and the University of the Philippines have erected a marker at the foot of Mt. Banahaw where General Macario Sakay and his troops operated. The Manila Historical Heritage Commission held a commemorative program last year at Plaza Morriones Tondo in honor of Macario Sakay. This year, on Sept. 13, 2008, a life-size statue of Sakay will be unveiled at Plaza Morga Tondo by the Manila Historical Heritage Commission.)






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