Showing posts with label Beveridge. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Beveridge. Show all posts

Monday, February 15, 2021

AMERICA'S SKELETON IN THE CLOSET: THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR (1899-1913)


"I find the fact that there is such a paucity of information on such a bloody war to be simply amazing. Once I learned that this war was America’s true “forgotten war”, as opposed to the Korean War." -  Prof. Gary Weissermann

“The HISTORY of an oppressed people is hidden in the lies and the agreed myth of its conquerors.” - Meridel Le Sueur, American writer, 1900-1996


" Fear history, for it respects no secrets" - Gregoria de Jesus  (widow of Andres Bonifacio)

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LET US NOT KEEP OUR HEADS IN THE SAND


Hi All,

The below essay from the University of Michigan Professor Gary Weisserman dealt mainly with the Philippine-American War (First Vietnam), a period in American and Filipino national histories that have been intentionally hidden from and/or glossed-over in the educational systems of both countries. 

The results: A mutual ignorance history among the American and native Filipino citizenry.
For Americansignorance lead to foreign policy blunders: a lack of appreciation for nationalistic struggles by other peoples against colonialism/imperialism as in Vietnam (subsuming the post-WW2 wave of Asian nationalism to their fear of communism); and now Iraq, seeing with fundamentalist/neocon-driven fear of "evil" and a "breeding ground for terrorism" in former ally and "our son-of-a-bitch" Saddam Hussein, trained and armed by America against the hated "American-hostage-takers" and theocratic Iran (again bolstering the saying that road to perdition is -supposedly here- paved with good intentions).

For us native Filipinos, ignorance of that critical period in our national history, of our forefathers' nationalist fight for political independence --first from Spain and most damaging in the long-run, from America thereafter-- has made subsequent generations lose our then-nascent national identity and national unity as a people; and thus facilitated our being molded into a native people of Malayan physical features, but with Americanized minds with the so-called damaged culture et al.

The most concrete and relevant consequences to us native Filipinos of this ignorance are the destructive effects to our nationalist consciousness; the perpetuation and unquestioning acceptance of an imposed alien culture and thinking in socioeconomic and political matters, all of which have become the generally unrecognized and grave obstacles to national progress, i.e. the common good;  which made and continue to make the lives of Filipinos-in-the-Philippines then, now and the next generations beset with only an expanding and worsening poverty, i.e. hunger and malnourishment, mental underdevelopment of children, loss of human dignity, sickness and early death among others. 

With our national alienation, we Filipinos are still at a loss as to how to end, to get out of the current predicament; feeling overwhelmed, frustrated, angered, and hopeless in the face of seemingly insurmountable problems.

The tasks are extremely difficult, but the solutions still exclusively dependent on us native Filipinos- united by nationalism, not in a hoped-for Filipino knight in shining armor, or  "friendly" foreigners or in prayer to a God. 

And the first step, diverted since by the Marcos Dictatorship, is to educate, to know and understand ourselves, by learning our true history, of our forefathers' heroic and nationalistic struggles against the foreigners; and those of the many Filipinos -old and young, men and women- who thereafter followed their footsteps fighting our own modern Judas Iscariots (whose greed and thus loyalty are for the foreigners) in the private and public sectors: politicians, government institutions, transnational corporations and local partners, foreign businessmen, top military officers...in short, many, if not all, members of our ruling class and/or elite.

Only through knowing and understanding "what's going on" and "why," can we Filipinos become truly nationalistic; only then can Filipinos in the Philippines unite, only then can Filipinos in the Philippines identify the sincere nationalists who deserve to be their leaders and support them; only then can Filipinos in the Philippines willingly be led by, fight and win for themselves. 

Only then can strongly united and nationalistic Filipinos in the Philippines have a nationalistic approach to political economy, i.e. plan and action for a nationalist economy of self-sufficiency, in food and essential manufactured products, for the common good, that is, for the impoverished native majority. 

Only thereafter can Filipinos in the Philippines strongly negotiate and deal, guided by their national interests and defined by their recovered Filipino nationalism, with all foreign nations which expectedly are similarly driven by their own national interests. Only then can native Filipinos, with a nationalistic and thus independent economy, attain and maintain true democracy; as the former is a prerequisite to the latter.

To attain all these, to be ready to fight --preferably-- peacefully to change things; but also as a last resort, to be willing to bear and use arms because it is virtually impossible to be non-violent in an unjust society --a suffering people acting to change things evoke violence from those who will do anything to protect privilege, as national and world history have repeatedly demonstrated, as we witness in our homeland then and now.


- Bert









The truth is that textbooks are written not to tell history but to be purchased. With Mel and Norma Gabler basically in charge of the nation's history textbooks and their views on what children should. “The Gablers include in their guidelines for textbooks that these should 'encourage loyalty' and avoid 'defaming' the nation's founders, and avoid material that might lead students to criticize their parents. In one of his more revealing statements, Mel Gabler criticized textbooks, saying 'too many textbooks and discussions leave students free to make up their own minds about things.” - Earl Lee


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AMERICA'S SKELETON IN THE CLOSET - Professor Gary Weisserman, University of Michigan


I would like to perform a little experiment. In your head, list all of the wars America has been in. Done? Chances are that your list includes many of the following: the American Revolution, The War of 1812, The Mexican-American War, The Civil War, The Spanish-American War, both World Wars, The Korean War, The Vietnam War, The Cold War, The Persian Gulf War, Operation Desert Storm and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. But chances are that you are missing one of the bloodiest wars in American history, America’s first true step towards imperialism, the "Philippine Insurrection" (more aptly renamed Philippine-American War in 1999 by the U.S. Library of Congress).

The Philippine Insurrection was a war that snuck into our history between the Spanish-American War and World War I and has since snuck right back out, out of the general historical knowledge of the American peopleout of our textbooks, and as far as the average American is concerned it has basically snuck right out of our history. America has one nasty skeleton in its closet, and with the aid of our schools, the textbooks they use, and what those textbooks teach, or in this case what they don’t teach, America has kept this skeleton locked up, and unfortunately, it looks as if things won’t change any time soon.

This fact should be as disturbing to you as it was to me when I learned about this war, fought by America to gain control of the Philippines, a country that had been fighting with Spain to try to gain its independence. America was trying to take power out of the hands of the same people they supposedly fought for during the "Spanish-American war" a war in which America was trying to take control of the island out of the hands of the Spanish.

The Philippine Insurrection has done a good job of hiding itself within the hubbub of two major wars that America was involved in, the Spanish-American War and World War I. In fact as far as most history books are concerned, if they’re even concerned at all, the Philippine Insurrection was just an adjunct to the Spanish-American war. With the fact that few history books even concern themselves with something as trivial as America’s first imperialistic conquest in mind, it's not hard to believe that finding information on such a topic would prove to be a battle all its own.

In fact, a search at the library only yielded a mere 20 books that even had to deal with the Philippines, 15 of which were children’s books or books of poetry, 4 travel guides, and one lone book that contained any historical information about the Philippines what so ever. I got lucky, and that lone book happened to deal with the Philippines' struggle for freedom, with a nice portion having to do specifically with the Philippine Insurrection and wars leading up to it.

I had learned from this book (The Philippines’ Fight For Freedom by Jules Archer), and A People’s History of the United States by Howard Zinn that this war did indeed happen, and I hadn’t been sent out on some wild goose chase by my history teacher, so I decided to dive deeper in search of information. 

From there I tried searching the Internet with ‘Philippine(s) war’ and found very sparse information about my topic, but scrolling through the list of websites I came upon one that looked promising. From this site, I found an alternative name for my war, the Philippine Insurrection. Now with a week's worth of searching under my belt and very little to show for it, I had finally set foot in the right direction and proceeded to dive headfirst into a multitude of information. From here, I found much of the information I used to write this paper, with almost every nuance of information being just as important as the last as I tried to pull this skeleton out of America’s closet. I found the topic of the Philippine Insurrection to be a great topic to do a paper on.

Unlike many myths or misconceptions about history, there is no common knowledge about the Philippine Insurrection for there to actually be a myth or misconception about it. I find the fact that there is such a paucity of information on such a bloody war to be simply amazing. Once I learned that this war was America’s true “forgotten war”, as opposed to the Korean War, I realized that there must be some big idea related to this war that may have been a burden to America's history, like the horrible acne you had as a teenager that you just want to forget about. With the fact that I could find only one book at the library and that my textbook contained such in-depth information about the Philippine Insurrection (please read the preceding passage as two whole paragraphs).

I realized that there may be more to the Philippine Insurrection than I thought. As I proceeded to search out information on my topic I decided to start at the beginning and work my way through to the end, with the beginnings in this being the  Spanish-American War and its predecessor the Philippine Revolution of 1896. Without the Spanish-American War, there would have been no Philippine Insurrection. Not only that, but the Philippines may have become an independent nation in the late 1800’s/early 1900s if they defeated Spain in The Philippine Revolution of 1896.

Indeed, before America got involved and started the Spanish-American War, the Philippine Revolution of 1896 was already underway between Spain and the Philippines, a war the Philippines were fighting to gain freedom after 300 years of Spanish rule and oppression. America did not get involved with the war between Spain and the Philippines to help the Filipinos gain their independence, instead, the roots of the Spanish-American war lie in America’s imperialistic and capitalistic ideals at the time.

Now I think it is time to make an interesting observation. First, we have a war lasting three months, the Spanish-American War, and it is called a war, and it is mentioned in our textbooks. Following this, we have a war that officially lasted three years (although it really lasted much longer) and it is not even referred to as a war, instead of as an insurrection. The word insurrection is defined as the act or an instance of open revolt against civil authority or a constituted government.

This would make perfect sense but as James Loewen, a Washington, D.C.,-based scholar and author of a forthcoming book titled Lies across the Landscape: What Our Historical Markers and Monuments Get Wrong said, ‘What we call the Philippine Insurrection should be called the Philippine War. We had never conquered the Philippines, so you can’t call it a revolt,’” (MSC “The Philippine-American War”). 

The fact that the war itself is not even called a war may hint at why it is left out of our textbooks and history. By seeing this war as a revolt and not a war, it is easier to disregard it and lose it in the midst of the Spanish-American War and World War I.

On that same note it should probably be more closely scrutinized because by calling it an insurrection states that America truly did take over another country, which as anti-imperialists stated was against “the Monroe Doctrine [which stated]… ‘With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power [America] shall not interfere,’” (quoted in Archer 62).

To understand the Philippine Insurrection one must have at least some understanding about its predecessor the Spanish-American war. During the late 1800s, Theodore Roosevelt was Assistant Secretary of the Navy. The chairman of the Naval War Board was Alfred Thayer Mahan. Mahan discussed with Roosevelt his plans to take American control of Chinese trade. He noted that a base in the Philippines would provide for the needed springboard into their market. He believed that Spanish control over the Philippines was weakening, and whoever sided with the Philippines would gain control over them, never even considering Philippine independence.

Roosevelt agreed with this sentiment and determined that if anyone seized the Philippines it should be the United States (Archer 37). With international investments in mind, the seeds of the Philippine Insurrection had been sowed. To defeat the Spanish and accomplish the goals that Mahan had set, the right man had to be in control over the actual fighting of the war. Roosevelt had George Dewey, another man who believed in Mahan’s ideas, appointed commodore of the Asiatic Fleet, the very fleet that would fight the Spanish when the time was right. This time came on February 15, 1898, when an American battleship blew up in Havana harbor, killing over 200 men. The press went into a frenzy declaring that this could never have been an accident but instead the work of an enemy. It was at this point that the Spanish-American War began to develop, with Dewey sent to Manila Bay, located on the main Philippines island of Luzon, to sink the Spanish fleet once the war was declared.

When the time was right, May 1st, 1898 to be exact, Dewey destroyed the entire Spanish fleet in Manila Bay, thus winning the first battle of the Spanish-American war and clearing the waters of the Philippines of the Spanish. (Archer 39 43-45).  During this time, General Emilio Aguinaldo was the leader of the Filipino rebels. Dewey and Aguinaldo made a promise that if the United States and the Philippines became allies then the United States would recognize the Philippines as a free country. The fact that this promise was ever made was quickly denied because the government was unsure if they would be able to uphold their end of the bargain. 

After the Spanish had been cleared from Filipino waters, America struck a new deal with the Philippines, trying to convince the Filipinos to be American allies. President McKinley stated that the Americans were fighting “not to make war upon the people of the Philippines, nor upon any party or faction among them, but to protect them in their homes, their employments, and in their personal and religious rights.” This statement gave the impression that America did not wish to seize control over the islands at the end of the war, yet the idea of Philippine independence was never actually mentioned (Archer 40-41 48-49).

As allies, many battles were won against the Spanish. The rebel flag was blue, red, and white, an obvious tribute to the American flag, though this flag was not seen by the American government as the attempted establishment of a new nation, but rather solely as the banner of the rebel fighting forces. On June 12th, 1898 Aguinaldo proclaimed the Philippines as free from Spanish rule. His supporters voted him dictatorial powers and the rebel flag became the official flag of the new republic. The only American support the Philippines received in pursuit of their independence came from the Anti-Imperialist League, a group founded solely for the purpose of opposing the American takeover of the Philippines. The American government stated that they would not recognize Aguinaldo’s power, with their reasoning being that no other country had done so.

Over the course of the next few months, America Defeated the Spanish in Cuba, forcing them to sue for peace resulting in the Treaty of Paris (1898). With the end of the Spanish-American War came the Treaty of Paris (1898), named so because it was signed in Paris, just like almost every peace treaty ever signed throughout American or European history. This treaty was the true spark of the Philippine Insurrection. It clearly states in Article III (3) of the treaty that “Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands…[due to this] The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of the [Treaty of Paris 1898]” (MSC “Treaty of Peace”). This would have been all good and America could have possibly taken peaceful control of the Philippines, that is if the Filipinos themselves had even been present during the signing, let alone had a say in the conditions of said treaty.

Felipe Agoncillo, Minister Plenipotentiary to conclude treaties with foreign governments (which in a lot of words says that he dealt with foreign affairs for the Philippines), pointed out this injustice in his “Protest on the Injustice of the Treaty of Paris,” stating: “If the Treaty of Paris there had simply been declared the withdrawal and abandonment by the Spaniards of their domination --if they had such --over Filipino territory, if America, on accepting peace, had signed the Treaty, without prejudice to the rights of the Philippines, and with a view to coming to a subsequent settlement with the existing Filipino National Government, thus recognizing the sovereignty of the latter, their alliance and the carrying out of their promises of honor to the said Filipinos, no protest against their action would have been made. But in view of the terms of Article III of the Protocol, the attitude of the American Commissioners, and the imperative necessity of safeguarding the national rights of my country, I take this protest, for the before-mentioned reasons but with the proper legal reservations, against the action taken and the resolutions passed by the Peace Commissioners at Paris and in the Treaty signed by them,” (MSC “Felipe Agoncillo's Protest”).In this protest, Felipe Agoncillo said that due to the injustices brought on by Article III of the Treaty of Paris 1898, the Philippines has no choice but to oppose the treaty and all those who enforce it.

Now if you are America, and I’m not saying you are, and you have just purchased a few dozen islands for twenty million dollars, you’re not going to take too kindly to being told that the people of said islands don’t want you there. So, instead of giving these islands their independence, you’re going to claim them as a colony and deny them the freedom they have fought for years to achieve. Needless to say, with the people of the Philippines as angry as they were at the United States, the tension would surely develop into conflict.

The first and foremost conflict was over who would govern this handful of islands known (to those who knew them, which before the beginnings of the Spanish-American war did not include the President himself) as the Philippines. The Filipinos, having tried to win their freedom in war all their own, set up their own government which included members of many of the various islands, regardless of the fact that the United States now officially owned them. Dewey saw this government as representing only a faction, and order could never be upheld.

In America, great debates took place between the democratically led Anti-Imperialists and the Republican-led Imperialists over whether or not America should annex the Philippines. President McKinley sided with the Imperialists. In December of 1898, American troops were sent to the Philippines, the Manila area specifically (this was where the Americans had first defeated the Spanish Navy), to create an American presence on the island. It quickly became obvious on both sides that no peaceful resolution could come from this, with the Filipinos rallying against the American presence. For the next two months, tension grew between both the Imperialists and the Anti-Imperialists and The Philippines and America.

The debates continued in America, with the Anti-Imperialists citing the Declaration of Independence and the Monroe document as their backing. Albert J. Beveridge, one of the strongest supporters of the annexation of the Philippines stated in his famous “March of the Flag” speech “The [Anti-Imperialists] tell us that we ought not to govern a people without their consent… I answer… we govern the Indians without their consent, we govern our children without their consent, Would not the people of the Philippines prefer the just, humane, civilizing government of this Republic to the savage, bloody rule of pillage and extortion from which we have rescued them?” (“Modern History Sourcebook: Albert Beveridge”).

Although anyone would prefer a ‘just, humane, civilizing government of this Republic to the savage, bloody rule of pillage and extortion,’ the Filipinos far preferred the freedom they were promised at the beginning of this whole string of subsequent American oppression. Not to mention that that quote was slightly exaggerated, primarily due to the fact the Americans were highly unjust in their reasoning behind trying to annex the Philippines, at the time inhumane in their treatment of most groups of people under any other label than ‘white male’, and when it comes down to it civilized is a highly subjective term, with each society and culture having their own meaning and with no group being truly correct in their beliefs as far as another culture or society is concerned.

So now we have a who: a big group of people angry with how they were being treated by America known as the Filipinos, a where: a small group of islands that America wanted for their very own, the Philippines, a why: America has decided to annex the Philippines for their own imperialistic and capitalistic desires, a when: late 1800’s, and a what: the Philippine Insurrection itself, but we are missing one last question, and that’s the how, or rather how the war started.

This question was answered on February 4th, 1899 when an American soldier fired at a Filipino and killed him for crossing into an American-controlled part (Manila) of the Philippines. Needless to say, the now-dead Filipino didn’t like being shot, and neither did the rest of the Filipinos, so Aguinaldo decided to declare war upon the United States. The war in the Philippines raged on for months. By June of 1899, General Aguinaldo started to take another cue from American history, besides just the colors of the Filipino flag. He explained to his troops the guerrilla tactics the Americans used to win their revolution in 1776. By fighting only on their own terms, on the sites of their choosing could they win the war. Aguinaldo recruited the farmers of the land and many civilians to fight for him. As the American troops would pass through a village during the day they would see only farmers and think them harmless, but as night fell, they would be attacked by guerrilla troops.

American soldiers began to believe they were not just fighting a rebel army but instead the entire Philippine population. Yet even with this feeling becoming generally more common in American troops the president was “assuring the American people that only ‘one tribe, and a small fraction of that tribe, is questioning the sovereignty of the United States inside Luzon,’” (Archer 81). 

Now, this was obviously a false statement but the American people had no way of knowing otherwise. General Elwell S. Otis, American Military Governor to the Philippines, had imposed total censorship on all information leaving the Philippines. This seems to be another clue as to why the Philippine Insurrection is left from our history. By allowing the president to state such falsehoods that make the war seem to be quite petty, it seems as if the war itself is almost meaningless, and therefore easier to leave from our history.

As all of this was going on, there was turmoil within the Rebel government. General Antonio Luna was one of the greatest militant leaders within the Philippines, but Pedro A. Paterno convinced Aguinaldo that Luna secretly wanted to become dictator of the Philippines. Aguinaldo summoned Luna to the rebel headquarters, and Luna arrived there while Aguinaldo was away. The guards would not let Luna into the headquarters stating that they were ordered not to let anyone in unannounced. Luna was outraged, and an argument ensued. 

During the scuffle, Luna was fatally shot. Aguinaldo denied having planned the killing but Luna’s followers did not believe him (Archer 76-77). After this Aguinaldo “ordered all chiefs of brigades under Luna arrested. He also ordered the disarming of two companies suspected of being pro-Luna. Because of these acts, the Filipino army began to disunite, for Luna had a wide following (“The Philippine American War”).

By mid-1900 Aguinaldo had escaped into the mountains in northern Luzon, to his new rebel headquarters, Palanan. He had revived the Katipunan, a pro-Filipino group that was originally founded during the Philippine Revolution of 1896. Through this group, he was able to raise money for the war and get information all while being secure at Palanan. Aguinaldo was well aware of the fact that the war was playing a role in the American election of 1900. He hoped that William Jennings Bryan, candidate of the Democrats and Populists, would win the presidency, for he demanded freedom for the Philippines. Aguinaldo ordered more extreme guerrilla attacks upon American forces, hoping to embarrass McKinley by showing that the Filipinos truly did not want the American’s in their country. Unfortunately for Aguinaldo McKinley won the election of 1900.

On that same note, something more unfortunate for Aguinaldo, but far more unfortunate for McKinley, happened in September of the following year (1901) when McKinley was assassinated, thus Theodore Roosevelt became president. It is obvious as to why this was unfortunate for McKinley, but as to why it was unfortunate for Aguinaldo came from the fact that Roosevelt was an even more passionate imperialist than McKinley was. 

At the beginning of 1901, Aguinaldo made an order that would eventually lead to his capture. He sent a patrol led by Private Segismundo to request reinforcements from various rebel groups. After traveling 200 miles in a three-week period, Segismundo risked asking for food in a nearby town. The head of the town had once fought for the rebels but had since taken an oath of loyalty to the United States. He offered the patrol food and shelter, but none the less tried to convince them to side with the United States as he had. In the end, he was persuasive enough, and finally, the Americans had in their possession something they had been missing most of the war, a link to Aguinaldo. Segismundo gave the Americans coded messages from Aguinaldo to other rebel leaders.

These messages were rushed for decoding to General Fredrick Funston who had been campaigning against Aguinaldo for years. Once decoded the messages revealed Aguinaldo’s hiding place, Palanan. Funston knew that it would be impossible to sneak up on Aguinaldo, he would be spotted and Aguinaldo would escape, so Funston began to formulate a plan. He decided to disguise a group of Macabebe Filipinos as the reinforcements Aguinaldo wanted. Then Funston would disguise 4 other American officers, along with himself, as prisoners. The plan worked and Aguinaldo allowed them to approach his headquarters, though they ran into an overlooked obstacle along the way, the difficulty of the journey to Palanan.

Six miles south of Palanan the group was at the point of collapsing from hunger and exhaustion. A messenger was sent to Aguinaldo who promptly supplied food. After nourishment and rest, the group traveled on to Palanan. As they approached Palanan 20 armed bodyguards and Aguinaldo himself were there the welcome them. Once the group got close enough Funston shouted a quick command and the disguised soldiers began to fire, killing 3 bodyguards, and sending the rest fleeing. Knowing that there was no escape, Aguinaldo raised his revolver to his temple but was persuaded by one of his aides that his life was too important to the Filipinos. The rebel leader had finally been captured (Archer 107-113).

The American troops were extremely hospitable to Aguinaldo, to win him over and help stop the fighting in the Philippines. This worked to an extent; Aguinaldo took a temporary oath of loyalty to the United States and issued a statement to the Filipino rebels to end hostilities. By observing the fact that Aguinaldo was captured in March of 1901, and the war officially ended in July of 1902 with sporadic fighting continuing for at least a decade it is quite obvious that this tactic did not ensure peace in the Philippines.

A very interesting parallel can be drawn from the capture of Aguinaldo, one I had been thinking about and happened to stumble upon an article that said exactly what I had in mind. With the capture of Aguinaldo did not come to the end of fighting within the Philippines. A direct parallel to this came not too long before the completion of this paper, the capture of Saddam Hussein. By looking at fact that the capture of Aguinaldo did not cease the fighting in the Philippines, in fact, one of the greatest and bloodiest Filipino victories happened after his capture, one would notice that the same thing is happening right now. Since the capture of Saddam, the fighting has not ceased. Since his capture, the American forces have still been shot daily, helicopters have been shot down, and the war continues to wage on. It’s been said that ‘those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it,’ and with the events of the present paralleling the Philippine Insurrection, this saying could not be truer.

In August of 1901, after Aguinaldo had already been captured, a group of American soldiers was sent to the city of Balangiga on the Philippine Island of Samar after the mayor of the town petitioned for protection from rebel raids. On the night of September 28th, 1901, the American sentries noticed a peculiar happening. They saw many women heavily dressed, carrying small coffins to the town’s church. One of the sentries used his bayonet to open one of the coffins, and found a dead child inside. He nailed the lid shut again and figured that fever and cholera were in an epidemic. Had he searched the coffin further he would have found bolo knives, and if he had examined the heavily dressed woman, he would have found her to be a man.

The next morning as the entire group of American soldiers was eating in their mess tents except for three sentries, the Filipinos plan went into action. The chief of police, a native Filipino, grabbed the gun from one of the sentries, quickly hit him over the head with it, and then fired a shot and shouted a command signaling for the men in the church. The church bells rang like mad and shrill cries from conch shell whistles could be heard. The armed Filipinos charged the mess tents and began killing the American troops. When they began to fight back with whatever they had the ropes to the mess tents were cut, trapping the Americans inside. 48 Americans were killed, 22 injured, only 4 escaped unharmed. Some of the Americans were able to get their hands on their rifles, killing almost 250 Filipinos (although by the Filipinos’ count, only around 40 were killed).

The Balangiga Massacre had ended, but the American retaliation would be far more gruesome (Nebrida). American troops retaliated in two ways to the Balangiga Massacre. First, another group of American soldiers was sent to Balangiga. They gathered up twenty Filipinos at random and shot them in the plaza in the center of the town. They then burned Balangiga to the ground. If this wasn’t retaliation enough, General Jacob H. Smith was the head of what can be called the kill and burn campaign, after the order, he gave: “I want no prisoners… I wish you to kill and burn. The more you kill and burn the better you will please me. I want all persons killed who are capable of bearing arms in actual hostilities against the United States,” (quoted in Archer 126). 

If this wasn’t bad enough Smith claimed that anyone ten years old and older was capable of bearing arms, a political cartoon of the time shows young boys lined up blindfolded with armed American Soldiers pointing rifles at them. Smith’s plan called for war hell, cutting the island of Samar off from all trade, treating all Filipinos as enemies, and destroying everything that was suspected of helping the rebels. This campaign cost the lives of thousands of Filipinos, and starvation and disease began to spread throughout Samar. Smith’s plan worked, many of the rebel leaders were caught and Filipino resistance was at a minimum, but at a high cost to the American prestige on the islands. It was now impossible for a Filipino to appreciate being “civilized” under American rule (Archer 127-129).

In the end, General Smith was retired from service. Reports state that around one-third of the population of Samar was killed during the campaign. Furthermore, when some American troops left Balangiga they took with them two church bells, the same ones that were used as a signal during the Balangiga Massacre. They were brought back to Fort Russell, Wyoming where they still remain today, the only piece of the Philippine Insurrection still left unsettled (“The Philippine American War”). With these barbaric acts performed by General Smith and his men, it seems to me that the true Balangiga Massacre was the killing of thousands of Filipinos as opposed to the killing of 48 American soldiers.

Finally, on the 4th of July 1902, President Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed that the Philippine Insurrection was at an end. By the end of August, all the prisoners of war were returned to the Philippines upon recognizing the authority of the United States and swearing loyalty. Though the war had been called to an end, the fighting continued. After the end of the war, two named campaigns took place according to the Army’s web site. Because the second campaign was not over until June of 1913, it is obvious that there was no peace with the end of the war.

Now it seems like such a bloody war should contain at least some details in our textbooks. Within my textbook, I found only two bits of information that actually even skimmed the surface of the truth. First, I noted that the textbook noted the fact that it was a bloody war, with the fact that fifteen Filipinos were killed for everyone injured. In comparison, the American Civil War had one death to every five injured, close to the historical average. It also states that 50,000 Filipinos were killed, when in reality some historians put that number closer to 200,000, while others put it at 500,000.

It mentions nothing of the barbaric deeds Americas did, from setting up makeshift concentration camps to control those they thought were helping the rebels, using what was called “water cure” to get people to talk (“water cure” was a method of torture in which a hose was shoved into the victim's mouth and water was continuously pumped into them until they talked while one man made sure the victim was breathing), to the burning of entire towns. One such instance of destroying a town was not mentioned in our textbooks, but rather what our teacher has referred to as a supplement of our textbook, “A People’s History of the United States” by Howard Zinn.

A captain from Kansas wrote in a letter “Caloocan was supposed to contain 17,000 inhabitants. Twentieth Kansas swept through it, and now Caloocan contains not one living native,” another member of the same unit wrote about how he himself helped burn the town to the ground (Zinn 315). The only mention of the Balangiga Massacre was the quote General Smith said about “kill and burn” though it included no details about it, nor the actual extent of the damage that ensued. It also noted that the capture of Aguinaldo was the turning point of the war, but in reality, his capture did not bring the end of the fighting, if anything it made the Filipinos fight more vigorously. Though it notes the war continued after its “official” end in 1902, it says that the fighting was over in 1906, when a simple look at the Army’s list of named campaigns clearly shows that the fighting continued until at least 1913.

With this more in-depth look at the lacking of information in our textbooks, and noting the fact that the textbook I looked a was one of the better textbooks out there, it is easy to see why little is known about the Philippine Insurrection in the general knowledge of the American people. Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it. This statement could not be more true than with the Philippine insurrection. I have already mentioned the relation between the capture of Saddam to the capture of Aguinaldo, how the capture of the head of a rebel group will not cause that group to stop fighting for their cause.

But there are other parallels that can be drawn between the two wars. Along the same line of fighting not ended when intended, in both the Philippine Insurrection and in Operation Iraqi Freedom, when the president has either claimed the war was over, like in the Philippines, or claimed that the major fighting was at in end like in Iraq, neither claim has proved to be true. In both instances, fighting continued after the president claimed that the fighting should not continue.

One parallel that seems to be immensely reoccurring during this time has to do with America trying to help other countries. In the case of the Philippine Insurrection, it was America that helped Aguinaldo back to the Philippines after being exiled by the Spanish, and he ended up the leader of the rebels facing the American forces. In a similar situation with both the conflicts going in Iraq and Afghanistan, America had at one point helped those who would end up being their enemies, either by supplying Saddam with weapons for Iraq’s war with Iran, or training Osama Bin Laden’s men and supplying him with money. It seems as if America has never learned who to be generous to, and ends up supporting their eventual enemies.

Also, I noticed that wars tend to lead to other wars, for example, the Philippine Revolution of 1896 led to the Spanish American war which led to the Philippine Insurrection, this was also true with Operation Iraqi Freedom, there were other wars that came before it, for example, the Gulf War, and the still ongoing war in Afghanistan. It also seems like when a short war is fought and won, a longer bloodier war is to follow. 

For instance, we won the Spanish American war in just 3 months, but that led us into the Philippine Insurrection. A similar situation happened with the Gulf War, it was short and America quickly won, but it was later followed by the currently ongoing Operation Iraqi Freedom which is already bloodier than its predecessor was. From these parallels, you can see how history tends to repeat itself, and with such obvious parallels, it’s a shame that people do not know more about the Philippine Insurrection.

With all of the happenings of the Philippine Insurrection, it is hard to imagine why so little is told about it in our textbooks. I have determined a few reasons as to why this lack of information exists. First, by calling it an insurrection it is easier to more or less ignore, because by saying it was an insurrection it gives the idea of a faction rising up, but then being put to rest. Also, I think it was originally called an insurrection for that very reason, to sort of dull down the fact that Americans were slaughtering Filipinos who just wanted their freedom

Next, due to the various censorship put in place during the war not all of the information was allowed to get to the American public. Along these same lines, the presidents at the time, McKinley and Roosevelt, along with other government officials gave the American public the idea that this war was only being fought against a small fraction of people, further supporting the idea of an insurrection portrays. It also seems like although there were other imperialistic ideas flowing throughout the government during the time of the Philippine Insurrection, only the Philippines posed so much trouble to obtain.

It seems as if all the other areas America tried to take over during this time either came peacefully, like Hawaii and Alaska or were left alone, like Guam. No other area had been so costly to annex, remember the United States paid Spain $20,000,000 for the Philippines, and then cost so much to control, almost eight times the amount the United States first paid. It seems like such a blunder as to assume that the Filipinos were unfit, uncivilized, and would not continue to fight for their freedom, which would not look good to the American people.

Also with all of the barbaric acts performed by American troops, sometimes almost verging on genocide, at least on Samar, it would be nothing but beneficial for a war to just vanish from history. Finally, with a much more victorious war happening before it, the Spanish American War, and a far more devastating war happening after it, World War I, it is easy for a war that would weaken the American reputation to be forgotten about.

But the real question is how, if our Social Studies and History classes are supposed to be teaching us the history of the United States could an entire war be overlooked? 

The reason is that our textbooks are not written to teach us history, but rather they are written to be purchased. Let me elaborate a bit. In an article written by Earl Lee, Lee states that “the Gablers include in their guidelines for textbooks that these should 'encourage loyalty' and avoid 'defaming' the nation's founders, and avoid material that might lead students to criticize their parents. In one of his more revealing statements, Mel Gabler criticized textbooks, saying 'too many textbooks and discussions leave students free to make up their own minds about things,” (Lee, E 73-74). This excerpt talks about Mel and Norma Gabler, the leading authorities on textbooks in Texas. The textbooks used in Texas are then used throughout the country, therefore convincing publishers of said textbooks to write to the liking of the Gablers.

But why should people who would rather censor the truth about American history, as opposed to teaching what truly happened be in control of our textbooks? I believe that they are in control of our textbooks and have therefore left events like the Philippine Insurrection out of our textbooks because of the American super story. By leaving out events that would ‘defame’ America or would discourage loyalty to America, the history classroom becomes more of a programming environment than a teaching environment. Programming in the sense of trying to ensure that students learn only what would give them a positive outlook on America and therefore have them become productive citizens.

With this information in mind, along with the events that took place during the Philippine Insurrection. In my eyes, this is at least part of the answer as to why the Philippine Insurrection is left out of our textbooks, and subsequently our history. The Philippine Insurrection is an event in American history that should have more attention paid to it in our textbooks and should be more widely known to Americans. The actions taken by the American government show the true intentions of the United States during that time, for America was becoming an imperialistic place to be. By the late 1800’s/early 1900s America owed all of the continental United States, Alaska, Hawaii, and yet there was still a need to annex more land.

Add to showing America's true imperialistic and capitalistic colors during that time the fact that there are so many parallels between the Philippine Insurrection and the current war in Iraq and you have yourself a pretty interesting and informative war. If anything the atrocities performed by American troops should be learned if only to educate our future Army men as to how to not fight a war in a humane manner. Generals like General Smith should have been given criminal punishments instead of just being forced to retire. Also, if it is not settled in our time, future generations should learn of this war and succeed in returning the bells to Balangiga, if only to finally put to rest the worst skeleton in America’s closet.

The Philippine Insurrection is truly America’s skeleton in the closet. It contains such brutal fighting and yet has direct parallels to current events. It is amazing how a country founded upon “Liberty and Justice for all” truly only practices what they preach when it comes to their own people.

No group of people should have been denied their independence in the way America did to the Philippines, whom almost 40 years after the war finally gained their independence in 1947, let alone America who had fought for their Independence almost 100 years earlier. If one lesson can be learned from the Philippine Insurrection I think it would be to not succumb to greed, for if the United States had not found it necessary to purchase the Philippines after the Spanish-American War it is quite probable that the Philippines would have won their independence much sooner.


Bibliography

Archer, Jules. The Philippines’ Fight for Freedom. New York: Crowell-Collier, 1970. This book deals with the history of the Philippines. Gives a very detailed account of the war, spanning almost half of the book. One of the more detailed resources I have found. Gives a lot of information about how the war was initialized. Also gives information about how the Spanish-American War led to the Philippine Insurrection. Furthermore, it shows from which point the Filipinos became angry with the United States from their intrusion upon their civil war. Balangiga Bell 20 Dec. 2003

This is a picture of one of the bells taken from Balangiga during the Philippine Insurrection. I thought it would be interesting to allow the reader of my paper to view the bell. The bell is the last remaining conflict of the Philippine insurrection with the Philippines wanting the bell back. Recently there have been some attempts to get the bell back to the Philippines, but as of the writing of this paper, the bell remains in Wyoming.Benson,

Midshipman Nicholas A., USN. “A CLUMSY WAR – AN INQUIRY ON THE

OPERATIONAL AMBIGUITIES OF AMERICA’S COUNTERINSURGENCY CAMPAIGN IN THE PHILIPPINES AND ITS OPAQUE HISTORY.” United States Naval Academy. 20 Dec. 2002 United States Naval Academy 23 Nov. 2003. This is an entire thesis paper about my topic. It puts a ton of researched information in one place allowing for quick access to a multitude of topics. This paper has to deal more specifically, with how America was unprepared for this war in general. While talking about that, the paper also includes a lot of information about the war itself. It also touches on the topic of why the war has been overshadowed, which is the main point of my paper.

Boot, Max “Saddam’s Capture Won’t Ensure End of Fighting” 14 Dec. 2003 Benador Associates 20 Dec. 2003 This is an article written recently about the capture of Saddam. It talks about the author’s views on the fighting going on in Iraq. I found it extremely interesting how he drew a parallel between the capture of Saddam in this war and the capture of Emilio Aguinaldo in the Philippine Insurrection. This article will give me a solid base to build upon when drawing other parallels between the Philippine insurrection and recent historical events.

Felipe Agoncillo's Protest on the Injustice of the Treaty of Paris – December 1898.” 11 Jun. 1999 MSC: The Computer Specialist 25 Nov. 2003. This is a primary document. It is Felipe Agoncillo’s protest to the Treaty of Paris. The Treaty of Paris, signed by the United States and Spain exchanged control of the Philippines from Spain to the United States. The people of the Philippines had no say in this treaty and this document expresses their protest to the Treaty. It shows how the Filipinos actually felt about the treaty and the fact that the freedom they had just fought for was not actually obtained, their oppressor had just changed.

NY Evening Journal. “Kill everyone over ten” May 5, 1902/20 Dec. 2003 This is a political cartoon drawn during the time of the Philippine Insurrection. It shows the order General Jacob H. Smith gave in retaliation to the Balangiga massacre. The top says “Kill everyone over ten” the order General Jacob H. Smith gave to his troops. The bottom says “criminals because they were born ten years before we took the Philippines,” which unfortunately is the sad truth about this incident. The actions of one town, the town of Balangiga were subsequently related to the entire island of Samar, one of the islands of the Philippines. The fact that this could happen is in my eyes part of the reason why the Philippine Insurrection is hidden in American history.

Lee, Earl. “School textbooks: Unpopular History vs. Cherished mythology.” You Are Being Lied To: The Disinformation Guide to Media Distortion, Historical Whitewashes, and Cultural Myths. Ed. Russ Kick the Disinformation Company 73-81.

This article written by Earl Lee tells the truth about textbooks. The truth is that textbooks are written not to tell history but to be purchased. With Mel and Norma Gabler basically in charge of the nation's history textbooks and their views on what children should. “The Gablers include in their guidelines for textbooks that these should 'encourage loyalty' and avoid 'defaming' the nation's founders, and avoid material that might lead students to criticize their parents. In one of his more revealing statements, Mel Gabler criticized textbooks, saying 'too many textbooks and discussions leave students free to make up their own minds about things.” This information helps me build my argument on why the Philippine insurrection is left out of history.

Lee, R. "Philippine-American War 1899-1902" 23 Nov. 2003 (1998). This site was very informative. It had lots of bulleted information, which gave me an alternative name for the war “the Philippine Insurrection” which led me to multitudes of information I would not have been able to find otherwise. It contained information about how the war began and ended. It also contained information about the consequences of the war and easy-to-find casualty listings.

Modern History Source Book. “Modern History Sourcebook: Albert Beveridge: The March of the Flag” Modern History Source Book 3 Dec. 2003 This is a primary document. It is a speech given by Albert J. Beveridge. It is a pro imperialism speech given during his senatorial campaign. Beveridge was one of the most extreme supporters of imperialism when it came to the Philippine insurrection. The speech also relates the annexation of the Philippines to the mistreatment of the Indians, although it is not stated as mistreatment.

The US Army. “Named Campaigns – Philippine Insurrection” 2 Oct. 2003 The United States Army 23 Nov. 2003. This is a site directly from the United States army. It provides a list of the named campaigns that happened during the Philippine Insurrection. It provides a view of some of the major movements that the United States army made. It also provides proof that the war lasted beyond its official end, with two named campaigns happening after Roosevelt proclaimed that the war is over.

Nebrida, Victor. "The Balangiga Massacre: Getting Even" in Hector Santos, ed., Philippine Centennial Series; 20 Dec. 2003. 15 June 1997. This site describes in great detail the Balangiga Massacre and the resultant revenge that American troops took upon the island of Samar. This site contains great amounts of information on the Massacre and the “Kill and Burn” tactics that were used in the American revenge. This incident in itself may be another clue as to why the Philippine insurrection is left out of our textbooks and almost out of our history. This site also included the political cartoon that I also used for my paper

MSC: The Computer Specialist. The Philippine American War” 2 July 1999 MSC: The Computer Specialist 5 Dec. 2003 This site has a very good overview of the Philippine Insurrection. It contains background information along with many primary documents and various other bits of information. It gives information about all parts of the war, much of which I could not find in other places. This site helped me gain much of the information about that actual war itself along with some pre and post-war incidences.

Treaty of Peace Between the United States and Spain -- December 10, 1898.” 11 Jun. 1999 MSC: The Computer Specialist 23 Nov. 2003. This is a primary document. It’s the Treaty of Paris 1898 signed by the United States and Spain signifying the end of the Spanish-American war. It’s significant in the fact that this is where the United States gains control over the Philippines. The United States buys the Philippines from Spain for $20,000,000 dollars. This sparks a conflict with the Philippines because there is no representative of the Philippines present at the signing or creation of this document.

Zinn, Howard. A People’s History of the United States 1492-Present. New York: Perennial Classics, 2001. Excellent book, chapter 12, The Empire and the People, specifically had to deal with the Philippine war. It contains a lot of letters written by American troops showing the true brutality of the war. It also gave a representation of how unfit American leaders saw the Philippine people at the time.



Anti-Bibliography

Philippines war overview” 23 Nov. 2003.A nice site with information about the Philippine war. The site was too summarized it only gave a basic overview of the war. It didn’t provide any information I hadn’t gotten elsewhere. As an overview site, it was good, but plenty of other sites contained the same information in an easier to read format.



Source: http://www.weisserman.com/myth_papers/2004.01.04.112/default.lasso?-Token.search_date=2004-04-28



"We shall be better and braver and less helpless if we think that we ought to enquire than we should have been if we indulged in the idle fancy that there was no knowing and no use in seeking to know what we do not know..." - SOCRATES

"Upang maitindig natin ang bantayog ng ating lipunan, kailangang radikal nating baguhin hindi lamang ang ating mga institusyon kundi maging ang ating pag-iisip at pamumuhay. Kailangan ang rebolusyon, hindi lamang sa panlabas, kundi lalo na sa panloob!" - Apolinario Mabini La Revolucion Filipina (1898)

“Nations whose NATIONALISM is destroyed are subject to ruin.” - Colonel Muhammad Qaddafi, 1942-Present, Libyan Political and Military Leader

“Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent” – Benjamin Disraeli, British Prime Minister (1804-1881)

“If knowledge can create problems, it is not through ignorance that we can solve them”. – Isaac Asimov, 1920-1992

Monday, November 14, 2005

"MANIFEST DESTINY" - The Rationale for American Expansion, Military Intervention and Imperialism



"God has not been preparing the English-speaking and Tectonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-admiration. No! He has made us the master organizers of the world to establish a system where chaos reigns... He has made us adepts in government that we may administer government among savages and senile peoples." - Sen. Albert T. Beveridge (1862-1927)

“Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation..keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States…The adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States..to the exercise of international police power.” – American President Theodore Roosevelt (opening of 58th Congress, 1903-1905)


"If it is commercialism to want the possession of a strategic point [Philippines] giving the American people an opportunity to maintain a foothold in the markets of that great Eastern country [China], for God's sake let us have commercialism." --Senator Mark Hanna (1837-1904)

"To be persuasive we must be believable; to be believable we must be credible; credible we must be truthful." - Edward R. Murrow (1908-1965)

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NOTES TO READERS:  

1. Colored and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posts/articles. PLEASE SHARE: Forwarding this and other posts to relatives and friends, especially those in the homeland, is greatly appreciated. To share, use all social media tools: email, blog, Google+, Tumblr, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp, etc. THANKS!!
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4. The postings are oftentimes long and a few readers have claimed being "burnt out."  My apologies...The selected topics are not for entertainment but to stimulate deep, serious thoughts per my MISSION Statement and hopefully to rock our boat of ignorance, apathy, complacency, and hopefully lead to active citizenship.
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LET US NOT KEEP OUR HEADS IN THE SAND
REMINDER: March 3, 2022. The total number of postings to date =578. Use keywords in the sidebar: PAST POSTINGS, Click LABEL (sorted by number of related posts)
    to access.
    CACIQUE DEMOCRACY. DEJA VU.
    WE NATIVE FILIPINOS LEFT BEHIND IN ASIA.
    ***
    From the time of our Katipunan revolutionaries fought and died against the Spanish rule, and against American interference and colonization then, our society has been administered by a "cacique, " the socio-economic elite in cahoots with foreigners against their fellow native Filipino majority, kept them poor, illiterate, and thus ignorant.
    A socioeconomic and political system designed to perpetuate a class-defined society, a class-conscious country, divided and never really becoming a nation.
    We are schooled heavily about political democracy but do not know that economic democracy is a prerequisite to fully realizing it. We have been conditioned to believe that mere and regular election makes a democracy; an illusion in reality.
    We native Filipinos keep ourselves ignorant of history, of “what’s really going on” in our homeland then and now; and thus, by default, never learn.
    We continue to be lost -having failed or refused to look in the mirror- believing in fate rather than about us people causing the cliche “history keeps repeating itself” true and valid.
    That is why it's Deja vu every time.
    - BMD🤔
    #primaryposts
    *************

    WHY DIG THE PAST?


    Hi All,

    To those who wonder "why dig the past": We engage in revisiting and revising our past, i.e. historical "revisionism," to develop new emphases and raise new questions on assumptions and explanations for key historical issues and policies --given by our former colonial master America, government officials and authors of history books, then and now.

    In our homeland's case, we can not afford a "balanced" approach to history since in the past and present years, our homeland's history, as it refers to Philippine-US relationships, has been imbalanced in favor of the Americans, who as far as we baby boomers can remember, are only "the good guys" and "do-gooders" in history.

    It is time for us, especially for Filipinos-in-the-Philippines to recover our history, a nationalist history, which necessitates uncovering the lies and myths about America; since the American arrival into and 50-year occupation of our homeland, the sweet nothings about "Philippine-American Special Relations," etc. perpetuated through our school textbooks, mass media, government pronouncements, Filipinos with Americanized minds, etc.

    We Filipinos, here and abroad, past and present, relied upon and continue to use these official explanations that lead only to our ignorance of hidden truths and knowledge of untruths, thus perpetuating the post-WW2 neocolonial conditions that brought only worsening impoverishment to the masses; foreign control of the national economy and the dwindling of our national patrimony.

    - Bert

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    Manifest Destiny

    The Philosophy That Created A Nation
    By Michael T. Lubragge



    Introduction

    This paper takes a philosophical view of the Manifest Destiny phenomenon and attempts to provide logical evidence that Manifest Destiny can be argued as the sole reason for why America itself has a history. Few Americans had ever assumed that the boundaries of the United States would stand forever unchanged. Manifest Destiny was the driving force responsible for changing the face of American history. It was the philosophy that created a nation.


    Manifest Destiny - The Intangible of American History

    American history was built on a chronological record of significant events, each event having a cause and subsequent effect on another event. Historical events are presented in history as being tangible, being tied to a date, or an exact happening. Manifest Destiny, on the other hand, is a phenomenon. It can not be tied to a date, event, or even a specific period of time. Manifest Destiny existed and still exists as the philosophy that embraces American history as a whole. Manifest Destiny is an intangible ideology that created American history. In its simplest form, Manifest Destiny can be defined as, "A Movement." More specifically, it would be the systematic body of concepts and beliefs that powered American life and American culture.


    Coining the Phrase

    In 1845, a democratic leader and influential editor by the name of John L. O'Sullivan gave the movement its name. In an attempt to explain America's thirst for expansion, and to present a defense for America's claim to new territories he wrote:

    ".... the right of our manifest destiny to overspread and to possess the whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development of the great experiment of liberty and federative development of self-government entrusted to us. It is right such as that of the tree to the space of air and the earth suitable for the full expansion of its principle and destiny of growth." (
    Brinkley 352)

    Manifest Destiny became the rallying cry throughout America. The notion of Manifest Destiny was publicized in the papers and was advertised and argued by politicians throughout the nation. The idea of the Manifest Destiny Doctrine became the torch that lit the way for American expansion.


    A Movement as Old as America Itself

    Although the movement was named in 1845, the philosophy behind Manifest Destiny always existed throughout American History. For example, in 1818
    Andrew Jackson, while taking a broad interpretation of vague instructions from President Monroe, led military forces into Floridas during the Florida crisis. In a systematic and ruthless way, he punished the Seminal Indians for taking up arms with the Spanish, destroyed Spanish forces, and captured several cities and forts. (Demkin, Chapter 8). Americans, who had moral reservations about the rough tactics of Jackson, soothed their consciences with a familiar, but not yet named philosophy. Their reasoning was the Floridas were part of American territory; therefore, destiny intended that America should have them.

    The reason why Americans were in Florida in the first place, is yet another example of Manifest Destiny. The people of the Deep South, wanting more fertile land, exercise what they considered to be their rights. The planter class, without any political approval or permission, just took over and started settling and planting the Florida territories. This move was an example of the arrogance that the Americans had towards expansion. Americans believed that they had a right to any land they wanted.

    First used in 1845, the term Manifest Destiny conveyed the idea that the rightful destiny of the US included imperialistic expansion. This idea certainly contributed to several wars. For example, in 1846 the United States declared war on Mexico and proceeded to win much of what is now the Southwestern United States. The
    war with Mexico was just one out of a series of aggressive acts that can be tied to America's Manifest Destiny.

    Manifest Destiny emerged naturally and inevitability out of fundamental want and need to explore and conquer new lands and establish new borders. With this growth came moral, cultural, social ideological, and economic differences between people, states, and countries. Were these differences not the reasons why America fought for its independence in the
    Revolutionary War? Were these differences not the primary cause for the American Civil War?


    The idea of Manifest Destiny is as old as America itself.
     


    The philosophy sailed with Christopher Columbus across the Atlantic. It resided in the spirits of the Jamestown colonist and it landed at Plymouth Rock with the Pilgrims. It also traveled with the fire and brimstone preachers during the Great Awakening and built the first national road. Throughout history, there are numerous examples of Manifest Destiny.

    However, in early American history, synonyms were used to explain the not yet named Phenomenon. American history books are filled with words such as Explorers, Frontier, Territories, Expansionism, Settlers, Idealism, Sectionalism, and Immigration. Without Manifest Destiny, phrases and terms such as "Beyond the Great American Desert," "The Northwest Passage," and "The Oregon Trail", would be just empty examples of white man's travels.


    A Disputed Philosophy

    Much of the talk about Manifest Destiny had many people suggesting that America should assume the role of world power. James Monroe in 1822 echoed this idea in his famous Monroe Doctrine when he warned Europe and the rest of the world to "Stay out of the Western Hemisphere" (Demkin Chapter 8).

    In the months following the
    Spanish-American War, the idea of expansionism grew stronger across the United States. In Congress, legislators called for the annexation of all Spanish territories. Some newspapers even suggested the annexation of Spain itself. Expansionists such as Roosevelt, former President Harrison, and Captain Mahan argued for creating an American empire. However, others, including Grover Cleveland, Andrew Carnegie, and Mark Twain, opposed these ideas.

    Manifest Destiny became a disputed philosophy. The following are two examples of the different views of the American people. This is evidence of the opposing attitudes towards the Manifest Destiny ideology. In an 1837 letter to Henry Clay, William E. Channing wrote:


    "Did this county know itself, or were it disposed to profit by self-knowledge, it would feel the necessity of laying an immediate curb on its passion for extended territory... We are a restless people, prone to encroachment, impatient of the ordinary laws of progress... We boast of our rapid growth, forgetting that, throughout nature, noble growths are slow..... It is full-time that we should lay on ourselves serious, resolute restraint.


    Possessed of a domain, vast enough for the growth of ages, it is time for us to stop in the career of acquisition and conquest. Already endangered by our greatness, we cannot advance without imminent peril to our institutions, union, prosperity, virtue, and peace..... It is sometimes said, those nations are swayed by-laws, as unfailing as those which govern matter; that they have their destinies; that their character and position carry them forward irresistibly to their goal;

    that ... the Indians have melted before the white man and the mixed, degraded race of Mexico must melt before the Anglo-Saxon. Away with this vile sophistry! There is no necessity for a crime. There is no fate to justify rapacious nations, any more than to justify gamblers and robbers, in plunder. We boast of the progress of society, and this progress consists in the substitution of reason and moral principle for the sway of brute force...We talk of accomplishing our destiny. So did the late conqueror of Europe (Napoleon); and destiny consigned him to a lonely rock in the ocean, the prey of ambition which destroyed no peace but his own." (
    Blum 276) 

    As an example of the opposing attitude and the attitude that was voiced by the majority of Americans at the time, the following article appeared in the Democratic Review in 1845.

    "Texas has been absorbed into the Union in the inevitable fulfillment of the general law which is rolling our population westward... It was disintegrated from Mexico in the natural course of events, by a process perfectly legitimate on its own part, blameless on ours.... (its) incorporation into the Union was not only inevitable but the most natural, right, and proper thing in the world... California will, probably, next fall away from...Mexico...

    Imbecile and distracted, Mexico never can exert any real governmental authority over such a country... The Anglo-Saxon foot is already on its borders. Already the advance guard of the irresistible army of Anglo-Saxon emigration has begun to pour down upon it armed with the plow and the rifle, and markings its trail with schools and colleges, courts and representative halls, mills and meeting houses. 


    A population will soon be in actual occupation of California, over which it will be idle for Mexico to dream of dominion... All this without the agency of our government, without the responsibility of our people- -in the natural flow of events, the spontaneous working of principles, and the adaptation of the tendencies and wants of the human race to the elemental circumstances in the midst of which they find themselves placed." (Blum 277) 

    The notion of Manifest Destiny had many components, each serving people in different ways. Manifest Destiny reflected both the pride that characterized American Nationalism in the mid 19th century and the idealistic vision of social perfection through God and the church. Both fueled much of the reform energy of the time. Individually, the components created separate reasons to conquer new land. Together they exemplified America’s ideological need to dominate from pole to pole.


    The Religious Influence

    To some, the Manifest Destiny Doctrine was based on the idea that America had a divine providence. It had a future that was destined by God to expand its borders, with no limit to area or country. All the traveling and expansion were part of the spirit of Manifest Destiny, a belief that it was God's will that Americans spread over the entire continent, and control and populate the country as they see fit. 

    Many expansionists conceived God as having the power to sustain and guide human destiny. "It was white man's burden to conquer and Christianize the land" (Demkin, Chapter 8). For example, the idea that the Puritan notion of establishing a "city on a hill" was eventually secularized into Manifest Destiny--a sort of materialistic, religious, Utopian destiny.


    A Sense of A Mission

    While some were driven by what they considered God's will, others saw Manifest Destiny as the historical inevitability of American domination of North America from sea to sea. It was an altruistic way to extend American liberty to new realms. North West expansion started with the American fur trappers. In their search for new reserves of beaver, they blazed new trails and passages through the mountains.


    In doing so, they traversed new and fertile valleys of the Far West. Their exaggerated stories and accounts of their travels publicized the newly found region of the West and aroused interest in people contemplating agricultural possibilities. It also gave the land an air of romance and adventure.

    By the 1840s, expansion was at its highest. The
    Santa Fe Trail went from Independence to the Old Spanish Trail, which went into Los Angeles. The Oxbow Route headed from Missouri to California. Others headed out on the Oregon Trail to the Pacific Northwest. In 1845, approximately 5,000 people traveled the Oregon Trail to Oregon's Willamette Valley. The Oregon Trail was the longest of the pioneer trail that went West. It traversed more than 2,000 miles through prairie, desert, and rugged mountain land from Independence, Missouri to the Northwest. In its short life, 300,000 settlers traveled this trail, marking their path by the landmarks first identified by Lewis and Clark

    Thirty thousand graves mark the trial of these pioneers. In the wake of continual death and hardship, the allure of Manifest Destiny continued to drive expansionist interests. Beginning with the first wagon in 1831, to the formation of the territorial government in 1848, Manifest Destiny was responsible for making America grow.

    Manifest Destiny was the reason for the revived interest in territorial expansion. With a sense of mission, people were tempted by the boundless tracts and sparsely settled land lying just beyond the borders of their country. There was also the growing desire to develop trade with the Far East. Going West would eventually open new trade routes. Last but not least, there was a renewed fear that the security of the United States might be impaired by foreign intervention in areas along its borders. The easiest way to conquer those fears was to conquer land beyond its borders and expand American territories.


    The Dark Side


    For all the positive atmosphere and grand spirit, Manifest Destiny created, it also created the dark side of American History, non darker than the plight of the American Indian. While the positive side of Manifest Destiny was a surge of enthusiasm and energy for pushing West, the negative side was the belief that the white man had the right to destroy anything and anyone -- namely Indians -- who got in the way.

    Tracing the path of Manifest Destiny across the West would highlight mass destruction of tribal organizations, confinement of Indians to reservations, and full-blown genocide. The dark side of Manifest Destiny revealed the white man's belief that his settlement of the land and civilization of its native peoples was preordained.

    The settlements that extended across the Western territories promised the American dream: the freedom and independence of a seemingly limitless land. This, coupled with the Agrarian spirit produced an attitude that nothing was going to stand in the way of progress, the progress of Manifest Destiny. In the name of this doctrine, Americans took whatever land they wanted. With a belief that Manifest Destiny gave them the right and power to do so, many simply settled, planted, and farmed Indian land.

    The large-scale annihilation and movement of Native Americans onto Indian reservations reached its peak in the late 19th century. The U.S. government intended to destroy tribal governments and break up Indian reservations under, what was then considered the progressive Manifest Destiny Doctrine. The arrogance that flowed from the Manifest Destiny philosophy was exemplified when Albert T. Beveridge rose before the U.S. Senate and announced:


    "God has not been preparing the English-speaking and Tectonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-admiration. No! He has made us the master organizers of the world to establish a system where chaos reigns... He has made us adepts in government that we may administer government among savages and senile peoples. 


    Theodore Roosevelt, John Cabot Lodge, and John Hay, each, in turn, endorsed with a strong sense of certainty the view that the Anglo-Saxon [Americans] were destined to rule the world. Such views expressed in the 19th century and in the early 20th century continue to ring true in the minds of many non-Indian property owners. The superiority of the "white race" is the foundation on which the Anti-Indian Movement organizers and right-wing helpers rest their efforts to dismember Indian tribes." (Ryser).

    Manifest Destiny, in its many forms, existed throughout history. It controlled America's destiny and was responsible for man's travels throughout history. With this said, America would not be America without the phenomenon of Manifest Destiny. The philosophy that built American history was the rationalization that expansionists everywhere used to justify territorial growth. 


    Some used the Manifest Destiny Doctrine as a political philosophy stressing tradition and social stability, while others used it as a simple reason to explore new lands. Expansionists experienced minimal interference of governmental institutions in private economic activities with Manifest Destiny leading their way.

    Americans used Manifest Destiny as their proclamation of superiority and insisted that their conquests merely fulfilled the divine mission that man is impelled by forces beyond human control. Manifest Destiny was responsible for creating American history. Without it, American territory would be as big as the property surrounding its first settlement. It was the movement responsible for American Independence and American expansion. Because of the notion of Manifest Destiny, America's drive to explore and conquer new lands will never die.


    The Eternal Doctrine


    Manifest Destiny is an enigma. Yet, it is the philosophy that built American history. Manifest Destiny is un-definable; however, it is often used to define how America actually became America. Manifest Destiny is a dispute, where historians argue about, not only what it is; but, when it started and when it ended. Did the Manifest Destiny Doctrine reach an end?


    To This End


    Echoing the thoughts of America in the late 1800s, Stephen Demkin said, "Land is a finite commodity." Having conquered the land spanning from the Atlantic to the Pacific, most historians agreed that the Manifest Destiny Doctrine was complete. After all, land has a definite and definable limit. There was a specific amount of land that needed to be conquered in order to complete America's, Manifest Destiny. Having successfully done this by 1890, Manifest Destiny ended.

    However, those who argue the end of Manifest Destiny from this point of view tend to dismiss one very important factor that proves the immortality of the Doctrine. Those who argue a definable end to Manifest Destiny must qualify the meaning of the word "land." Does the word land refer to only the area of North America?


    A Metamorphosis


    "Most people believed that there was an endless amount of land. It took 200 years to reach the Mississippi; therefore, people believed that it would take a lifetime to reach the Pacific. In reality, it only took forty years." (Demkin Chapter 11). Think about it, for 250 years, men climbed, hacked, swam, walked, and plowed their way across America. Are we to believe that when this task was complete they also considered their Manifest Destiny complete? Is it logical to suggest that while standing on the shores of the Pacific Ocean they had no interest in the world beyond? Were these frontiersmen not the ancestors of the colonists who stood on the shores of England peering out onto an unknown ocean in the 1500s?

    Not only did the idea of Manifest Destiny not end in 1890, but it also took on a whole new face. The Manifest Destiny Doctrine can be divided into two distinct parts:


    1. One part could be defined as National Manifest Destiny. This is the drive behind building the American Main Land. America whose borders are between Canada and Mexico on the North and South and the Atlantic and Pacific oceans on the East and West.
    2. The other part could be defined as International Manifest Destiny which started in 1867 when America purchased Alaska from Russia for $7,200,000. Although this acquisition could fall into the example of National Destiny, it was the first time America went beyond its immediate border to the acquired land. In fact, the acquisition of Alaska was a second thought. The purchase of Alaska was only approved after the senate rejected plans to purchase the Virgin Islands from Denmark (Blum 403).

    The Pacific And Beyond


    America had a presence in the Hawaiian Islands since 1810 (Demkin 20). But this presence came from only a few shipping pioneers who dared to leave the safety of the American shores to pursue their own personal destiny in the unknown waters of the Pacific. 

    America's International Manifest Destiny came in 1898 when America decided that it wanted total control of Hawaii and walked in and took it. The idea of Manifest Destiny specifically related to Hawaii came full circle in 1959 when America made Hawaii its 50th state.

    There were some who truly believed that the Manifest Destiny Doctrine was based on the idea that America had a divine providence that was destined by God to expand its borders. Others believed that America simply had a mission, the altruistic right to extend its liberty to new realms. Both reasons could be considered the most classical of definitions. Whether a person believed that America's expansion was driven by God or a sense of mission, those promoting Manifest Destiny were certainly not in short demand or variety.

    Manifest Destiny had its share of promoters. But, rather than promote the Doctrine under its real name, several aliases were used.


    Imperialism


    If God and mission were the roads to Manifest Destiny, imperialism was the light that lit the way. Between the late 1800 early 1900, the American businessman fueled the notion of International Destiny. This group strongly believed in America extending its authority over other lands. This authority can be done by political, military, or economical means. But, no matter what the method, imperialism was the reason to extend America’s interest beyond the Pacific.


    "One popular way of thinking, however, was to attribute imperialism to the determinism of some sort: the hand of God, the instinct of race, the laws of Darwinism, the force of Economics and trade - anything but a reasonable decision. Though many Americans deemed willing to surrender to imperialist policies, few would admit that they did so because they wanted to" (
    Blum 536).

    As a result of imperialism, the US took control of the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico via the
    Spanish-American War.

    Although there was still an abundant amount of land throughout the world that applied to the Manifest Destiny ideology, acquiring land on opposite sides of the globe required new methods. It would not be as easy as building roads and displacing a few thousand American Indians. Controlling colonial possession thousands of miles away required a new military commitment. 


    This commitment came by way of a modern Navy. The US steamed into overseas expansion when the Federal Government commissioned the building of several cruisers and battleships between 1883 to 1890. It was clear to the US that those countries that controlled the seas controlled their own destiny.


    Yellow Journalism

    Yellow Journalism served as an influential means to get those Americans on the cusp, to join the Manifest Destiny movement. Nowhere was Yellow Journalism more effective than with Cuba's war with Spain. At the time, William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer were in fierce competition for readers of their respective newspapers. In an attempt to gain distribution, they sent correspondents to Cuba to cover the fighting between Cuba and Spain.

    The field journalist's over exaggerations of events, sensationalism reporting, and graphic details of the brutality and atrocities being committed by the Spanish, created a new form of journalism. It also helped aroused popular sentiment of the American people. 


    Yellow Journalism coaxed the American public to rally behind Cuba and America's involvement. When President McKinley asked for a declaration of war against Spain in April 1898, he had the majority backing of the American public.


    White Man's Burden


    Another way to disguise Manifest Destiny was to promote the philosophy of White Man's Burden. Rudyard Kipling made this philosophy famous in his poem of the same name. In his poem, Kipling urged the United States to follow in the footsteps of Great Britain. He stated that, as a world power, the US had the burden to help the inferior people of the world adjust to Christianity. 

    He also warned the United States that it would not be an easy task to take on the role of a world leader but, the rewards will outweigh the trouble. (Demkin Chapter 11). In addition to Kipling influencing the masses, president McKinley also took up the notion of White Man's Burden. In defense of America's presence in the Philippines, he said, "Duty determines destiny."


    Monroe Doctrine

    The greatest promotion for Manifest Destiny came from a passing reference made by President
    Monroe in 1822. This passing reference became known as the Monroe Doctrine. During one of his political speeches, he warned Europe to "Stay out of the Western Hemisphere" (Demkin Chapter 8). 

    This simple statement established the US as the protector of all the lands in the Western hemisphere. With the Monroe Doctrine blazed on its chest, America could expand its involvement and control in foreign affairs throughout the Western Hemisphere


     The Roosevelt Corollary

    Manifest Destiny received an additional promotion when President Theodore Roosevelt was added to the Roosevelt Corollary. In addition to being the military protector of the Western Hemisphere, Roosevelt wanted the US to be the Business protector as well. 

    The Roosevelt Corollary stated that even if a country had a legal contract agreement with a smaller, uncivilized country of the Western Hemisphere, the US could step in and interrupt that contract if the US thought the deal was not in the best interest of the smaller countries. This "Iron-Fisted Neighbor" mentality was yet another example of manifest destiny. By the US controlling its neighboring countries, it controlled its own destiny.

    The phrase Manifest Destiny was first used by the American journalist and diplomat John Louis O'Sullivan, in an editorial supporting the annexation of Texas. The phrase appeared in the July-August 1845 edition of the United States Magazine and Democratic Review. (
    Encarta) The phrase was later used by expansionists in all political parties to justify the acquisition of California and the Oregon Territory. 

    By the end of the 19th century, the same phrase was being applied to the proposed annexation of various islands in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean. Manifest Destiny was what the United States saw when it looked at Asia and the Far East.

    Manifest Destiny has no end. It is perpetual and everlasting. Without Manifest Destiny, the world would be flat and the earth would be the center of the solar system. Whether divinely ordained or not, expansion is inevitable and without limit. Yes, the land is a finite commodity...on earth.

    Source:
    http://odur.let.rug.nl/~usa/E/manifest/manif1.htm

    Please see also:

    1. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/manifest-destiny-from-wikipedia-free.html,
    2. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/monroe-doctrine-1823-end-of-napoleonic.html,
    3. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/11/we-do-not-want-filipinos.html,
    4. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/08/mark-twain-and-american-imperialism.html,
    5. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/05/voices-for-imperialism-josiah-strong.html,
    6. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/05/mission-of-our-race-in-support-of.html,
    7. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/05/america-and-philippines-heres-bit-of.html,
    8. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/05/buffalo-soldiers-in-philippine.html, and
    9. http://thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/2005/05/lord-says-keep-philippines-plus.html

    "For a people to be without history, or to be ignorant of its history, is as for a man to be without memory - condemned forever to make the same discoveries that have been made in the past, invent the same techniques, wrestle with the same problems, commit the same errors; and condemned, too, to forfeit the rich pleasures of recollection. Indeed, just as it is difficult to imagine history without civilization, so it is difficult to imagine civilization without history." - American historian Henry Steele Commager (1965)




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