A Story of the Crime of February 4, 1899
BY AN EYE WITNESS Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Barrister at Law,
Inner Temple John Lane: The Bodley Head London and New York 1900
COPYRIGHT, 1900, By JOHN LANE.
WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: (Note: Bold and/or underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked posting/article. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated).
From the blogsite, click the following links to read:
(Chapters 1&2 found in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 1
Chapters 3, 4, 5 found in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 2
Chapters 6 & 7 in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 3
Chapter 8 & 9 in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 4
Chapter 10 & 11 in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 5 )
Chapter 12, 13 & 14 in: Filipino Martyrs – Part 6 )
(NOTE: Because of its length ---200+ pages, all Chapters were posted by installment. This Part 7 is the last. Send email: email@example.com to have a PDF version of complete book.)
Author William Pfaff wrote that history is an insistent force: the past is what put us where we are. The past can not be put behind until it is settled with.
This book is an historical eyewitness report by British diplomat Richard Brinsley Sheridan on the American arrival, duplicity and intervention during the revolution against Spain. It also demonstrates the determined and brave nationalism of our (Katipunan) revolutionary forefathers.
The report angers but most important reminds us that our revolutionaries were led by men who were aware of the principles of democracy and had plans for a democratic national government, but whose dreams for "the people," i.e. the native, dispossessed Malay majority, were destroyed by the duplicitously invading Americans in cooperation with local mendicant friends - our traitorous socioeconomic elite.
The Americans have duped the naïve and sentimental thus trusting native leadership. Fast forward today, it is unfortunate, sad and enraging that no significant change for the better has occurred in the attitudes and behaviors of our local elites, native and foreign, old and new .
Hopefully this kind of glossed over and hidden, if not unpopular, history will make us consciously aware of our relevant past, of Filipino nationalism forgotten, ignored and debased, of mythologies and outright lies highlighted by the mock Battle of Manila Bay; of American intervention and occupation as God-ordained Manifest Destiny, of being colonized by America with the sole altruistic intent of "benevolent assimilation," of us being the Americans' "little brown brothers,"of us having "special relationship" with America, etc. ad nauseam.
Hopefully, all these long-unquestioned historical claims and myths we learned will be outgrown by objective knowledge; and therefrom help us, as a people, to be truly nationalistic, more prudent and realistic in dealing with America and/or other foreign nations.
In matters of true nationhood, mass ignorance is not bliss since it brings and guarantees ONLY misery and pain, as in the past, present and foreseeable future.
"The Phillipines makes a decent representative example of the US' first official exercise in colonial imperialism and formal empire [*], also referred to as "civilizational imperialism" - a project we're presently repeating." Lest this seem to be the bellicose pipedream of some dyspeptic desk soldier, let us remember that the military deal of our country has never been defensive warfare. Since the Revolution, only the United Kingdom has beaten our record for square miles of territory acquired by military conquest.
Our exploits against the American Indian, against the Filipinos, the Mexicans, and against Spain are on a par with the campaigns of Genghis Khan, the Japanese in Manchuria and the African attack of Mussolini. No country has ever declared war on us before we first obliged them with that gesture. Our whole history shows we have never fought a defensive war. And at the rate our armed forces are being implemented at present, the odds are against our fighting one in the near future." - --Major General Smedley D. Butler, America's Armed Forces: 'In Time of Peace', 1935.1898-1914: The Phillipines.
"The HISTORY of an oppressed people is hidden in the lies and the agreed myth of its conquerors.” - Meridel Le Sueur, American writer, 1900-1996
“The true Filipino is a decolonized Filipino.” – Prof. Renato Constantino (1919-1999)
"Upang maitindig natin ang bantayog ng ating lipunan, kailangang radikal nating baguhin hindi lamang ang ating mga institusyon kundi maging ang ating pag-iisip at pamumuhay. Kailangan ang rebolusyon, hindi lamang sa panlabas, kundi lalo na sa panloob!" --Apolinario Mabini, La Revolucion Filipina (1898)
Battle of Santa Ana -Position of English Residents-Retreat of Filipinos-A Conversation with an American Officer- Future Difficulties of the Campaign-Butchery of Filipinos-A proclamation of Aguinaldo-The Filipinos repulsed —Higgins's House shelled
THE English residents at Santa Ana had the most trying time on the night of the 4th, and had it not been for the kindness and generosity of the Filipinos, many British subjects would, no doubt, have been killed by the bullets of the Americans. When the battle began, the English could not realise the situation. They knew the Filipino general in charge of the Santa Ana forces was absent at Mololos, and therefore they could not understand how the attack could have been commenced by the Filipinos, nor why the Americans should have fired upon them. A meeting of the Europeans was hastily called, and their position considered, and it was decided that they should all take refuge in the house of Mr. and Mrs. M, which was more strongly built, and consequently more likely to be bullet proof.
All through the night the men stood covering the bodies of the women, who remained bravely motionless, waiting
their expected end. The bullets were pattering on the walls, and whistling through their rooms and around their house. The groans of the wounded and the dying could plainly be heard. The Filipino officers frequently came to them and offered them encouragement, altered their positions as the firing was changed, and generally inspired them with renewed hope and consequently renewed strength to bear the terrors of their position. As I have stated, Santa Ana is situated on the Rio Pasig, which was now patrolled by a small American armed launch, and its guns were directed and fired upon the town.
This shelling of the European and native houses added to the fears and dangers of the people huddled together in Mr. M -- 's house. It was well known that General Otis had maps of Santa Ana, in which all the European houses were marked and their positions located, and it was therefore scandalous that shells should have been unnecessarily thrown into the houses of British residents. When the Filipinos were closely pressed for the want of ammunition, the officers informed the M --- party they had only ammunition enough to cover their retreat, and their trials were now ended, as the town would soon be in the hands of the Americans.
The Filipinos retired from Santa Ana in perfect order, fighting all the time, with determination, energy, and courage. In this fashion did the Americans take Santa Ana. In Manila, on the 5th, I saw as a prisoner being marched to quarters by the Americans, Sefor Escamillo, one of General Aguinaldo's secretaries, or interpreters. He had spent the night of the 4th in Manila. He bowed to me as he passed. Had hostilities been commenced by General Aguinaldo, as was alleged by the Americans at the time, is it probable or likely that Escamillo would have laid himself open to arrest by his presence in Manila?
In the battles of the 4th and 5th, there was a great deal of street fighting, in which the Filipinos were accused by the Americans of the grossest treachery. I know such accusations were untrue. The Filipino losses, of course, were much greater than the American; but it must be remembered that not only had the Filipinos to resist the American forces, but they had also to face the shells which were being poured in upon them from the American warships. "This," I remarked to an American officer, as we saw the destruction caused by American shells, "is not war; it is simple massacre and murderous butchery. How can these men resist your ships, away at sea? What wrongs have they committed, to warrant and to justify this fearful slaughter? You came to protect them! Aguinaldo came to assist you! I am a stranger here. As such, I must tell you, I am horrified and amazed. I know you could have arranged with the Filipinos easily and satisfactorily." My friend replied: "The Filipinos have swollen heads; they only need one licking, and they will go crying to their homes, or we shall drive them into the sea, within the next three days." —" But why," I asked, "have you forgotten that without their assistance you must have had serious trouble with the Spaniards in taking Manila, and many of the officers you have fighting for you now, would have been killed and great numbers of your men would have been sacrificed? Is this remembrance worth nothing to you? Does it not appeal to your sense of justice, as a great grown-up man, fighting to the death a little weak chap, who has not harmed you, because he does not want to give away everything that he possesses?"
This officer knew that his cause was wrong; so he merely said: " Perhaps you are right; but must we not obey orders? The United States wants the Philippines, and we have got to take them!" How little did this man know of the Filipino people, their determination, their power, or their love for country! A Filipino general once told me, " We have twenty, thirty, forty, or fifty men to each gun, all ready in rotation to take the place of a dead man." Before the Americans can conquer the Filipinos and their islands, they will have lost the great bulk of their army, and many years must elapse before the American flag is hoisted in conquest over the Philippine Islands. When this is accomplished, will the American nation be proud of their conquest, and will they not in days to come reproach a government which disgraced its people by the betrayal of their trust?
Will they not be always reminded by all civilised powers of their broken promises and pledges to a community whose offence was the aid it gave and in return for which America waged a war of extermination? I have travelled in Luzon, and I know that fighting will be confined to the wooded and swampy lands of the interior, all of which are known to the Filipinos. The fevers and diseases of a climate in which the natives can live and thrive, will kill the foreign campaigner with his enforced privations. It was well known to the residents of Manila, and admitted by the Americans, that the first shot was fired by them, with the result that large numbers of men, women, and children were killed. The Americans in forty-eight hours slaughtered more defenceless people than did the Spaniards in two centuries.
The fate of the treaty of peace was to be decided on the 6th day of February, and it is said that the conflict was commenced for political reasons to insure the ratification of the American treaty with Spain. The Call, a San Francisco journal dated February 5th, I899, states:"President McKinley said to an intimate friend to-night that the Manila engagement would, in his opinion, insure the ratification of the treaty to-morrow. Senators Lodge and Spooner being interviewed by the Call representative to-night, expressed the same opinion."
And the American journal Freedom, published in Manila, endeavouring to justify the attack of the Americans on the Filipinos, editorially states: "The Philippines have been sanctified with the blood of American soldiers. Henceforth they are sacred, and none but traitors will advocate their relinquishment to other powers. America has done her whole duty; she mustered her thousands at humanity's call, on land and sea; she told the world in no uncertain language that tyranny must cease in Cuba and in the Philippines; for months and months she has endured the insolence and insults of the ragamuffins she saved, she fed, and befriended, and all in the interests of peace.
Like an indulgent parent, she withheld the chastening rod, in a vain effort to reason with a scabby herd, who, cowards at heart, and low and base, mistook friendliness and compassion for fear and cowardice, until at last, when forbearance ceased to be a virtue, her bugles rung out the call 'to arms,' and most lasting and terrible indeed has been the lesson she taught." This cowardly attack in a Manila newspaper must be accepted as semi-official. All articles in journals were subject to a most rigid censorship, and little or nothing was permitted to be published without the approval of the censor.
How had the Filipinos in their relations with the Americans so conducted themselves as to warrant the scurrilous abuse contained in this article? The Hong Kong Daily Press dated February 27th, 899, published the following particulars, furnished by Filipinos from Mololos, as to how hostilities commenced. The journal naturally declined to take responsibility for the truth of the statements. "What we have tried to avoid at all costs has at last happened. On the night of the 4th instant, when we were quite unprepared, General Otis, having formally assured our Commissioners in a duly drawn-up act made during the conference that the aggression would not come from Americans, suddenly attacked the whole of our lines around Manila. General Otis has been propagating rumours to the effect that the aggression came from our side, but nobody, not even the foreigners, believed it. All the details now conclusively indicate that the attack was prepared by the Americans. "
The day before, several foreigners wished to visit Otis, but he would not receive them because he was holding a council of war. At 6 P.M. on the 4th, the river steamer Laguna de Bay got up steam (this steamer had been armoured and mounted as a gunboat by the Americans) and went to Santa Ana, and at 9.30 P.M. commenced to bombard the town, simultaneously with the American attack on our lines." The semi-official and other papers of Manila of the i4th instant have since admitted that the aggression came from the American side. "On the same date, the 4th, the American reinforcements arrived. No extraordinary or sudden movement of American troops occurred at the time of the outbreak, which clearly indicates that all of the forces occupied positions previously assigned to them.
On the strength of the American word, General Ricarte, commander in chief around Manila, and Colonel S. Miguel, commanding the Mariquina and San Juan regiment, were at Mololos, attending a conference called by the President, all of which is well known to Mr. — (an Englishman). Our troops were taken by surprise without any leaders" (which is also admitted by General Reeve), " but they fought heroically and only abandoned their positions after their ammunition gave out, and they were exhausted by hunger and fatigue.
At the outset of the battle the Americans succeeded in cutting the telegraph wires to Mariquina, and thus stopped communication. Nevertheless, the Americans lost heavily; amongst their killed and wounded being one general, two colonels, and many officers. It is reported all the churches and hospitals in Manila are full of wounded. "The Americans have committed many atrocities in Manila. They set fire to the hamlet of Paco, shooting women and children fleeing from their homes:" (confirmed by European residents in Paco, who were eye-witnesses), " burnt Santa Ana, and are looting and robbing houses in Manila and the suburbs, and the places they have succeeded in taking.
For a few days they allowed families to leave Manila, but they robbed and despoiled all who left, making even women denude themselves. One of the latter who resisted being denuded boxed a soldier's ears who had dared to lay his hands on her. She was shot on the spot. Even tragedies have their ridiculous side, however, and a cheeky woman, noticing what was happening to her companions, suddenly placed herself in the habit of Lady Godiva before the astonished soldier, who was so confounded that she got away free. The Americans, thanks to their unexpected movement, have succeeded in advancing their lines to Malibay Pateros, Pasig Mariquina, and Caloogan, after looting all they could find in their way, and burning every Filipino house. Nevertheless, the native soldiers are recovering and regaining their strength.
The latest news from the front is that the Americans are nonplussed, seeing that every inch of ground is costing them severe losses. We cannot yet say what is going to happen. Yesterday the Americans were obliged to abandon Pasig, retiring to Santa Rosa near Malapad-na Dalo. According to rumours, the German cruiser Irene is being strictly watched by the Americans, who entertain the most unfounded suspicions that she has brought a supply of arms. The Americans may deny as much as they like the shooting of women and children in Paco, but unfortunately for them there is abundant evidence from resident European eye-witnesses who viewed the massacre from their own windows, to prove the assertion without the resorting to Filipino evidence at all.
The Americans have yet to learn that something more than brute force is required to make these 'barbarians,' against their will, part of the American people. Benevolent assimilation is the climax of humbug and hypocrisy as applied to that forcible annexation which Mr. McKinley once declared would be criminal aggression." I can corroborate a great part of these particulars. It would be interesting and edifying to hear whether President McKinley by any instructions, implied or otherwise, authorised General Otis to attack the Filipinos on the night of the 4th, and also what information General Otis gave the President from Manila on the 5th of February, I899, after the battle.
The following is a proclamation issued by General Aguinaldo, dated February 5th:"To the Filipino People "By the proclamation of yesterday, I have published the outbreak of hostilities between the Filipino forces and the American army of occupation in Manila, unjustly and unexpectedly provoked by the latter. My manifesto of January 8th last, published the grievances suffered by the Filipino army at the hands of the American army. The proclamation of General Otis relates to the insults to the Filipino people, the constant outrages and taunts which have caused the misery of the people of Manila, and finally the useless conferences and the contempt constantly shown towards the Philippine government have proved a premeditated transgression of justice and of liberty.
I know that war always has produced great disasters. I know that the Filipino people have not yet recovered from past losses, and are not in the best position to endure others. But I also know by experience how bitter is slavery, and by experience also I know that we should sacrifice all on the altar of our honour and the national integrity so unjustly attacked. I have tried to avoid, as far as it has been possible for me to do so, armed conflict, in my endeavours to assure our independence, by pacific means, and to avoid more costly sacrifices. But all my efforts have been useless before the measureless pride of the American government and of its representatives in these islands, who have treated me as a 'rebel' because I defend the sacred interests of my country and do not make myself an instrument of their dastardly intentions.
Past campaigns will have convinced you that the people are strong when they wish to be so. Without arms we have driven from our beloved country our ancient masters, and without arms we can repulse the foreign invasion as long as we wish to do so. Providence always has means in reserve and promptly helps the weak in order that they may not be annihilated by the strong, and that justice may be done and humanity progress. Be not discouraged; our independence has been watered with the generous blood of our martyrs; blood which may be shed in future will strengthen it; nature has never despised generous sacrifices. But in order that our efforts may not be wasted, that our desires may be listened to and our independence gained, it is indispensable that we adjust our actions to the rules of law and of right leading to triumph over our enemies and to conquer our own evil passions. "EMILIO AGUINALDO, "President of the Filipino Republic. "MoLoLos, February 5th, I899."
By the 6th of February, fighting was away from Manila in the neighbourhood of the water-works at Santolan, which were ultimately taken, practically uninjured, by the Americans, with the exception that certain important connecting pipes had been removed and buried by the Filipinos, but were soon unearthed and refitted. The American ships, all through, continued shelling the Filipino lines at Tondo and Caloogan. Mr. Higgins was able to send a message to Manila, asking Mr. Wood to give notice to General Otis that they were shelling his house, and that he would hold the Americans responsible for loss of life and the destruction of his property.
Seizure of Private Property by American Volunteers -Murder of Filipino Coachman -Women improperly examined-Caloogan taken —Aguinaldo publishes Proclamation -Commissioners appointed - Opinions of their Capabilities
THE American soldiers, after the outbreak of hostilities, were permitted to seize private carriages for their own use, and consequently no carriage was safe in the streets. On one occasion, two Mestisa ladies, driving over Paco bridge, were stopped by a gang of American soldiers, and were ordered out of their own carriage. The soldiers got in, as many of them as possible, and told the Filipino coachman to drive on. The coachman, seeing his mistress in the road crying, declined to do so. A soldier then raised his gun and shot him dead, pushed his body from the box, mounted it in his place, and drove the carriage away.
This case of brutal murder caused much consternation in the town. In consequence of the feeling exhibited by the foreigners, General Otis was compelled to issue orders forbidding private soldiers to seize in future carriages in the streets. The man who killed the coachman, instead of being immediately shot, was permitted to go unpunished. I was driving with my wife one afternoon to Santa Ana, when our carriage was stopped by an American soldier, who had with him a very dirty-looking woman whom he told to get into the victoria, which she did, seating herself between my wife and myself.
In answer to my remonstrance the fellow threatened the life of myself and my wife. There was nothing for it but to endure the outrage. The man mounted the box and seated himself beside our Filipino coachman. At Paco, I ordered the coachman to stop, and I informed the uninvited guests that we were going no farther. "Oh, but you are," he replied, "or, anyway, the carriage is. We are driving to Santa Ana, and if you don't want to go, you can just get out right here."
The man was armed, and with the examples which had been set him, and which had been passed over unpunished, we decided to drive to Santa Ana. I told him that beyond that I would not take him. "Oh, well, I guess that suits us," he replied. He stopped the carriage along the route and pointed out the dead then lying about to the woman seated by our sides. We deposited the pair at Santa Ana and saw no more of them. On our return to Manila, we met a privace carriage, which of course had been appropriated. It contained a number of drunken soldiers, with loaded guns, and was being driven by a man in a most intoxicated condition.
On seeing us they shouted, " Drive right through that carriage, and kill the lot!" and the driver yelled, "You bet, boys! you just watch; by G, I'll fix 'em." We avoided them, however, but with difficulty. Street scenes were common between the American ordinary soldiers and the Filipino men and women. The latter they stripped to discover their sex, on the pretence that they concealed arms. This disgraceful treatment was permitted both after and before the conflict of the 4th of February. The inhabitants were forbidden to be in the streets after 8 o'clock P.M., after which hour people were shot at sight. Every Filipino was taken prisoner who was in the quarters of Paco, Santa Ana, and neighbouring environs of Manila.
I wish it to be clearly understood that the Americans treated their prisoners, both Filipino and Spanish, with the utmost consideration and humanity. Whilst on the subject, I will mention a pathetic incident which took place at Santa Ana immediately after the American occupation of the town. Mr. F- and I went to the quarters of General King at Santa Ana, and while looking over the Filipino prisoners we collector of the Manila Club and his son. Mr. F - immediately applied for the discharge of both, guaranteeing their peaceful intentions, and that they were not so-called rebels.
The commanding officer consented to release the father to Mr. F, but declined to grant the freedom of the son. The parting between the father and son was most affecting. The son called upon the father to protect his wife and child, and if he should never see them again, to bid them farewell for him and to say that on his death their names would be upon his lips, and would be remembered in his prayers. On another occasion, my wife was waiting for me in the carriage whilst I called upon Mr. T at his office. A soldier on guard was standing by the carriage fumbling with his loaded gun, which suddenly was fired, the bullet only just missing my wife's head. Everybody ran from their offices to learn the cause. The soldier said: "Well, I guess there's something wrong with the lock of my gun. I'll just go along now to the barracks and change it."
On the I Ith of February, the Americans attacked and took Caloogan, with the assistance of the monitors and other warships, which played very important parts in the war against Chit is a note signed by a member admitting his indebtedness for what is received, and these chits are paid monthly. The semi-official journal, the Manila Times, dated February i5th, states:" Arrangements had been made with Admiral Dewey so that the ships could shell the rebels without endangering the American advance. This was a matter requiring specially careful planning, because the country is so thickly wooded in parts. Therefore it was agreed that the ships and artillery on shore should fire for forty-five minutes, and then wait. The sound of these guns from the cemetery at exact intervals of ten seconds should be the signal for a general advance of the whole line of infantry, after which it would be dangerous to shell. The operation worked like clockwork. The shelling routed the' rebel' ranks, and when the infantry advanced, the natives stampeded. Marching was not by any means easy on account of the ridges and sand holes of the rice-fields, the tangled undergrowth of the woods, and the thick clumps of impenetrable cane-brake. The orders were to advance in open order, five hundred yards without firing, halt, advance another five hundred yards, halt again, and then rush in and perform bayonet and butt drill for just such space of time as there was anybody to perform it on."
From the above it will be seen that Caloogan was taken by the American gunboats, and not in reality by the military forces. It can easily be imagined how many houses and people would remain after a storm of shells lasting threequarters of an hour.
On the i3th of February, I899, President Aguinaldo published the following further proclamation: - PROCLAMATION OF GENERAL AGUINALDO TO THE PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES "The present war with the American forces has left us Filipinos no other recourse than to defend at all costs our lives and our homes. If we yielded, we should only be foolishly placing ourselves at the mercy of their rifles and cannon, whilst they neither respect our honour nor property, but barbarously massacre women and children. Manila has been the witness of the most horrible outrages. There the Americans have confiscated vehicles, animals, the savings of families, and have given as a reason for such conduct, the necessities of war. In Paco, San Ana, and other places, they have burnt houses and shot defenceless women and children.
On all sides, they have taken by force anything they require, offering in exchange to their owners the mouths of their guns. Racial and caste domination have passed by, but now the dominion of force, accompanied by the repugnant barbarity of primitive times, is presented to us. Do not hope for compassion or consideration. Pusillanimity and apathy only inspire contempt. If the flame of your sacred love for your fatherland does not burn in your breasts, if your hearts remain cold to the magic conjuration of this holy war of independence, you are worthy only to be slaves, pariahs, and helots. The national honour has been compromised.
In the press, in the tribune, in your feasts, and family circles, you have loudly proclaimed your love of liberty, and solemnly promised before the civilised world, that you would fight for freedom till death. Even our women have volunteered to take up arms, if necessary. The hour has arrived. The fatherland is in danger, and it is necessary that the Filipino people carry out their promises, if they have learned the dignity of liberty during the short period of their emancipation. Do not repent of your words. You can expect nothing except from yourselves. The Americans declared war on Spain under the pretext of liberating those oppressed by the latter, and now the victims of Spain are groaning under the slavery of American brute force; the Americans came here as 'champions and liberators' seconding our struggles in favour of liberty, and after we have assisted them against the Spaniards, the Americans have seized the whole fruits of victory.
In manifestos and proclamations they have been announcing that they only desire our liberty, and they assured us in the last conference that they would not be provokers of hostilities. We have all seen, how they, when we were entirely unprepared, attacked us unexpectedly, and inhumanly bombarded our nipa houses. They robbed us of our money and ornaments, destroyed our provisions and everything necessary for life,- all with the object of implanting here a more irritating and more barbarous domination than that of the past. They are making themselves absolute masters of this rich patrimony of our race. Never fear. We have elements enough to resist any invasion and shake off any foreign yoke. There is no human force which can stand against a people to whom slavery is odious even to death. Show to all nations that you are worthy of independence, by knowing how to appreciate and defend it. Prepare to conquer or die. Life has no charm without honour and liberty. The shades of our martyrs and forefathers conjure you.
In consideration of the foregoing, and confident that all Filipinos will not fail to care for their children, their wives, their possessions, and above all their native soil which contains all that they love in this world, I, in conjunction with our council of government, decree the following:
"(i) All local juntas will constitute themselves into juntas of defence, and to this effect will study what means, works, and fortifications are necessary to insure the protection and security of the territory in their jurisdiction.
"(2) The local prefect will execute the orders decided upon by the local junta for this object, organising for the purpose a company of militia, without counting upon the police force of each township. In this service every male between the ages of sixteen and fifty years of age will take his turn by cabecerias, excepting only those belonging to the regular army or the flying columns.
"(3) The local juntas will designate three citizens of renowned patriotism and honesty, who will form the juntas of succour, and administer the resources which on the invitation of the local mayor and the head men of the hamlets, the inhabitants may offer in money or kind for the common defence.
" (4) The members of the junta of succour, assisted by those of the militia which the mayor may place at their disposal, will care for the lodging and maintenance of soldiers and guerillas on the march, especially those fresh from action. They will also especially tend and assist the sick and wounded. They must likewise maintain those whose turn it is to serve in the militia. Lastly, they must aid in giving all the assistance which the military administration requires from the local mayor for regular soldiers and guerilla bands.
"(5) The local mayor will see that guards, or watchmen, are placed on all works of defence which they have ordered to be made, as also on all places most exposed to invasion. They will take care that all males, free of service, cultivate the fields and sow the alimentary produce suitable to the season. They will also take care that no inhabitants forget their patriotism, and make use of the scarcity produced by war to sell their effects to the military administration at enhanced prices, but take what is reasonable and just. Because they must understand, that, failing defenders, the enemy will enter and take by force all the savings and property of the Filipinos, and sacrifice the innocent victims.
"(6) The local mayors, subject to the favourable report of the junta, can issue gratuitous licenses for firearms to respectable inhabitants, but these will be confiscated if they should be employed in the execution of acts condemned by law. Those obtaining such licenses are obliged to assist at war, fight for the defence of the township, or at least cede their arms temporarily to those who wish to fight. Every inhabitant is obliged to provide himself with a 'bolo,' or incur a fine of five dollars. This must be produced within ten days after the publication of this decree in the locality. The decree of the i5th of November last, in all parts referring to arms, is herewith cancelled.
"(7)The local mayors complying with the recommendations of this decree, will have the military honours and obligations of leaders of flying columns, prescribed in the general order of the 7th instant, which is published below. "Those failing to comply may be deposed and relieved from their offices without further inquiry. "
Given at Mololos, February 13, 1899. " EMILIO AGUINALDO. "
For the council Apolinario Mabini, is this the proclamation of a barbarian addressed to a barbaric race? The laws decreed in it are surely those of a cultured mind and fit for a civilised people! The Americans took temporarily every Filipino town, large or small, around Manila within gun distance of the ships. The Hong Kong Daily Press of February 23rd, I 899, thus expressed the views of many unprejudiced people in that great city: "The absence of any civil service in the states, and the professed doctrine that to the victor belong the spoils, are responsible for much of the outrage that is now the rule in the Philippine Islands. What, it is asked, would be the fate of the Filipinos, with a fresh set of officials sent out every few years to govern them, and make fortunes out of them in that term?
Then, there is the protectionist policy of the United States, which may or may not be imposed on the Philippines, if the islands are annexed; for it has been imposed in Hawaii, and a very strong party in the States are in favour of its imposition on the Philippines, the argument being advanced that there can be no use in holding the islands, if they are not to be made an exclusive market for American goods. "America might pursue a more enlightened policy in the Philippines, but she has as yet given no guarantee of such purpose; in fact, she has given no guarantees at all, but asks the natives to submit unconditionally, and trust to Providence that they find their new masters kinder than their old ones.
An indefinite promise is held out that they will be given self-government when they are ready for it, but no indication is given whether the period of education will be counted by years or centuries. The resistance of the Filipinos does not seem surprising under these circumstances. The time certainly seems to have arrived when the Americans should definitely state what their intentions are, so that the Filipinos may know how they stand, and whether resistance is called for. If it is intended, as a recent vote of Congress seems to show, to grant the natives autonomy, it might as well be granted before as after the conquest, and so save bloodshed."
The Singapore Free Press, dated March23rd, 1899, says: "It was telegraphed the other day that mountain guns were being sent out to the Philippines. That statement has a double explanation. We have it on good authority, that through some mistake heavier guns have been sent to the Philippines than were required -in fact, almost guns of position, in place of the light field-guns wanted. The second explanation is, that it appears to be determined to proceed vigorously against the Filipino forces by a systematic advance into the hill country, of which, indeed, the bulk of the land area of the Philippines consists. That has but one meaning, -that it is intended to push on a outrance the work of subjugating the Filipinos. We do not yet see, and it is sad to say it, any indication that an opportunity will be made for an armistice, and for the promotion, even at this late hour, of a final amicable arrangement between the Americans and the Filipinos.
It is rather a policy of following them up into the hills and forests, and worrying them out of cover in detail that is to be adopted. It is a purpose to wear them down to the last gasp- a policy of pacification by extermination. It can be done, without a doubt. But how long will it take? How many American dollars will it cost? How many American lives will be sacrificed by exposure to rains and malaria, by risks of ambush and surprise?"
Though the Americans were in possession of Cavite, Manila, Tondo, Caloogan, Parafaque, Paco, Santa Ana, Pasig, and Iloilo, they were in perpetual conflict with the Filipino forces whom they had to defeat, and will have again and yet again to defeat, before the Americans can consider their position in these captured towns a permanent possession. But in the interior, when they will no longer have the protection of their warships, they will find the Filipinos are not the easy prey they have anticipated. It will take them many years of hard fighting and arduous campaigning, before they will subject them.
I do not propose to recount the campaigns of the Americans, or the failures or successes of the Filipinos in all the many battles that have occurred and which are yet to be fought. I have undertaken this work merely to record truthfully, and without exaggeration, the facts which led to the commencement of American hostilities against the Filipinos, of which America and her people, and all other civilised nations, are largely ignorant. As I stated in an early chapter, the censor of Manila controlled all cable messages so strictly that the world, and particularly the American people, have been unacquainted with the absurd reasons which led up to the deliberate and, as I believe I have shown, unnecessary declaration of war between the American and Filipino people.
In Hong Kong, I had the pleasure of meeting the special Commissioners, Mr. Schurman and Mr. Worcester, sent from America to inquire into the details of the question at issue between the Americans and the Filipinos. The commission consisted of the following: Colonel Denby, Admiral Dewey, Major General Otis, Presidents Schurman and Worcester, and Mr. McArthur, acting secretary.
Regarding these commissioners, I quote from the Singapore Free Press, dated March 23, I899, page I89, the following:cc MORE AMERICAN OPINIONS; REWARD FOR COMPLICITY " The ( Colonel,' Charles Denby, who, while a member of the war investigation committee attained unenviable notoriety in connection with the beef trust, which supplied the army with poisonous or worthless beef at a high price, is the same Denby of Indiana who was appointed by President Cleveland Minister in China. Not one of these, except Dewey, is likely to have the least sympathy with labour or human rights in any form. But any commission is an impertinence, if not an outrage. The people of the Philippines are infinitely better judges of their own affairs than any American."
With regard to Mr. Schurman, I was greatly impressed by his kindly intentions toward the Filipinos, and he appeared most anxious to obtain every conceivable information with regard to the question upon which he was to be one of the judges. Mr. Worcester had had experience in some of the Philippine Islands many years previously, where he had been scientifically engaged. He recently published a work upon the Archipelago, but he was quite unacquainted with the new Filipino race which has arisen during the last twenty years. Therefore, it was obviously necessary from the views he expressed to me to overcome his prejudice against "these uncivilised people."
In this Commission why did the American government not appoint men like the Hon. John Barrett, who was lately minister to Siam? This gentleman had a long experience of Eastern life and character. He was a diplomatist of great ability, and was at that time in the neighbourhood of the Philippine Islands. The special Commissioners sent by the government, with the exception of Mr. Schurman, whom I believe to be an extremely able and capable man, were utterly and entirely unable to deal with the important and weighty questions which they had been employed to settle and decide. It is not, therefore, surprising that they arrived at no conclusion, and that the determination of this inhuman war cannot be hoped for, and much less predicted, from any action of these men. The wronged and downtrodden Filipinos could expect nothing from a packed jury.
I HAVE now concluded my history of those strange and most remarkable events which characterised the advent of the United States in the islands of the Philippines. I have endeavoured to lay before my readers sufficient evidence to show that the Filipinos are a race worthy of consideration; and I submit I have proved that they are a people of high intentions, of high principles, educated and refined; and I consider their patriotism has made them even holier than their religion.
All Englishmen admire, respect, and would support the American people in all that they did in the cause of humanity; but innate sentiments must be forgotten and abandoned where a weak people is being oppressed by a strong nation; whatever the relations of that nation may be, however allied the instincts and interests may be, they must not be permitted to influence the calm decisions of justice and mercy, nor to prejudice in favour of the one nor the other. It is certain to those in the East, and also, I am sure, to those in the West, that the American people are unacquainted with the history of events, proved, I submit, beyond doubt, which I have related.
My impeachment is not of those who have been intentionally deceived, but of the American government, and their necessary parasites, who have deliberately kept the American people misinformed, in order that they should form no just opinion of their true and honourable position in the Philippines.
The American " Declaration of Intentions," which was announced to justify the war with Spain, contained in effect the simple proposition that the people of the United States, tired of the cruel and oppressive tyranny of Spain over a struggling and suffering people, interfered in the name of a merciful humanity. America could no longer stand by and witness the terrible outrages of the sixteenth century reenacted in the nineteenth century before the eyes of the Christian world, on the very threshold, as it were, of her republic; and so she, like another St. George, unsheathed her sword to slay the pestilential dragon. She therefore released, with amazing skill and promptness, Cuba from the hands that were throttling her; and having covered herself with glory in all that she did and attempted in the West, she turned her victorious arms to the East in order to free the Filipinos from the same deadly grasp that had for centuries been stifling and destroying their social and commercial life.
America went to the Philippines, not to conquer and annex, but to free the people of those islands from Spanish domination and to drive out Spain from Manila. Admiral Dewey, as I have shown, carried out his instructions in destroying the Spanish fleet in the Philippines, and in so doing he believed his mission in the East had ended. At the commencement of the war, the American government indignantly repudiated any suggestion that it was her intention to extend her dominions or to expand her empire; and therefore Dewey can be charged with no wrong when he is charged with having approached, directly and indirectly, Aguinaldo, the natural enemy of Spain in the Philippines, and with having promised him conditions of independence, in consideration of his becoming the ally of the United States, and of his assisting that government in destroying Spanish power forever in the East; and so the leaders of the Filipino nation were invited to return to their native country.
The initiative was not therefore taken by them, for they were asked to assist the Americans in their actions against Spain. The American government cannot plead ignorance of it, because Consul General Pratt " duly notified" his government on the departure of Aguinaldo from Singapore. The American government cannot deny that it was aware that Dewey had carried Aguinaldo to Cavite in his warship McCulloch, nor can it deny that it was aware that its commanders in Philippine waters had armed Aguinaldo and his forces, because attached to the correspondence which accompanied President McKinley's message to Congress, on the ratification of the treaty with Spain, was a memorandum drafted by Major General Greene, in which he stated, "The insurgents were furnished with arms and moral support by our navy, prior to our arrival, and we cannot ignore obligations, either to the insurgents or to foreign nations, which our own acts have imposed upon us."
Yet have not those obligations, so earnestly and solemnly made and accepted, and believed by the Filipinos, been broken and "ignored" by the representative government of the American people? These people fought for their freedom on the American side, vanquishing at every point and at every " zone" the common enemy, the Spanish nation; and in return what have they received? Treatment worse than Spain inflicted during all her centuries of occupation, cruelties, which no civilised power in the world could approve, and / of which the American people will be ashamed. It has been stated, and is daily alleged in the American press, that no promises were made, that no pledges were given by Dewey and his representatives to General Aguinaldo.
How, then, was it that Aguinaldo was at Manila? Taken to the Philippines by the Americans in one of their own ships? At their own urgent request? Armed by them? Spanish prisoners taken at the battle of Manila Bay delivered into their hands by Dewey? Quartered at Cavite? Permitted a flag which was saluted by their admiral?-Dewey! Authorised and encouraged to make war upon the Spaniards? To take prisoners? Supported at Subig, and the town handed over to them by the Americans? How came these and other things to be allowed, if Aguinaldo and his forces were not the allies of the American government? It is inconceivable that Aguinaldo, who had been fighting the Spaniards for Philippine independence, would have returned to the islands, and there have raised his standard in the American cause, if the promises made were only to reap a worse servitude than that inflicted by Spain.
If the American representatives had informed Aguinaldo that it was America's intention to subjugate or exterminate the Filipino race after they had assisted America in her conquest of Spain in the Pacific, is it possible or is it probable that Aguinaldo would have conducted his victorious campaign, sacrificing the lives of many of his best citizens and friends, in order to aid a policy which threatened the destruction of his proposed republic and the hopes of his independence. Arrangements were come to, as I have shown, whereby the Filipinos were to become free; and I cannot believe that Admiral Dewey, who is a man of honour and integrity, will stand by longer and witness the oppression and destruction of the Filipino race.
America conquered Spain in the West; but without the assistance of the Filipinos her difficulties would have been greater in the East, and the price that was promised to Aguinaldo should be paid. The United States government may boast of the purchase of the Philippines from Spain; but could that power sell a colony which she practically no longer controlled or possessed? Could the American government acquire a title which no longer was vested in Spain? Have the Filipinos made unjust demands of the American government? For what have they asked? The fulfilment of America's assurances and the promises which were given. Freedom without a conqueror's oppression. They have not demanded nor do they desire the withdrawal of American protection or military control in the islands.
They want, and I think with every justification, a government such as exists in the Strait Settlements. When the American people understand their position in the Philippine Islands, they will remedy the wrongs that have been done this most injured and oppressed race. In the course of my story, I have referred to incidents of a social character, in order to show the reader, in the most direct manner, that the Filipinos are civilised and refined in their private and domestic life; that they are not, in fact, barbarous or half savage, as has been so frequently alleged. Aguinaldo, on his return to the islands, immediately forbade bull, and cock fighting within the districts he controlled, proclaiming they were sports of cruelty which could be tolerated by no civilised power.
Charges of every kind have been made against the Filipinos by those who are entirely unacquainted with them; but all admit, and it has been fully and freely stated, even by their traducers, that they know how to conduct themselves in front of an enemy. In their dealings with the Americans, even after their falsity, they showed themselves to be marvellously trusting and patient under wrongs and conduct that they could not possibly have anticipated. They have proved themselves to be a resolute and fearless people, with strong, warlike capacity, at once truthful, faithful, prudent in their cause and that of their allies, and it was with the greatest reluctance that they credited the great nation, which they believed had come to emancipate them, with duplicity and double dealing.
Wars in modern times are avoided with the utmost care by civilised and humane governments, who endeavour by diplomacy to lessen the gravity of vexed or unsettled questions likely to cause a rupture in friendly relations, or to terminate in war; but in the Philippines the American generals in command would listen to no negotiations, would accept no amicable settlement of questions which they alone had raised by their own mismanagement, indiscretion, and incompetency. They apparently desired to kill without reason and without right. All the softer and gentler inclinations of refined men appear to have become extinct in the generals in command of the American forces in the Philippines, after the taking of Manila on the I3th of August, I898, and even so, if the farce enacted on that day had caused blood madness in the then commander and his successors, it was the duty of the home government to temper with discretion and mercy a policy of war without cause, a sacrifice of honour without reason.
The great American nation has been looked upon as the morning star of hope to the oppressed and down-trodden people of the world, and here is an opportunity for them to show their chivalry and their strong sense of handed justice. The noble proclamations of Aguinaldo which, like a papal decree, is addressed "Urbi et Orbi," has shown to the world that the one desire of the Filipinos is a modified and constitutional freedom; and freedom, as the Americans well know (for with them it is an instinct), is a right that belongs to the whole human race, and whenever acquired should be like the immortal verse of Shakespeare, " Not for an age, but for all time," for " Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son, Tho' baffled oft, is ever won."
Agoncillo, Sefior, his reply to General Merritt's remarks, 81 -85; criticism of, and Merritt, 85. Aguinaldo, General, negotiations with Dewey, 40, 41; treaty made by him with Spain, 42; condemned for this treaty, 42; considerations for exoneration on account of this treaty, 43; Buencamino's opinion of him, 43; his presence at Singapore, 45; report from the Manila Times on his treaty with Dewey, 46-48; his visit to the McCulloc, 48, 49; receives arms from Dewey, 49; the value of his assistance to Dewey, 50; his claims as participator in the war against Spain, 50; encouraged by the Americans to oppose Spain, 55; his flag admitted by the American admiral as the flag of the Filipino Republic, 56; his treatment of prisoners, 58, 59; his version of his part in the attack on Manila, 65; insulted by the Americans, 66; his offer to disarm and withdraw his troops, 69; his ex pectation that the Americans would vacate the Philippines, 70; his inquiries treated with silence, 70; attacked by the Manila newspapers, go; his defence, go, 91; his remonstrance to General Otis, 95; effect upon him of the Washington proclamation by Otis, 113, 114, II5; his reply to Otis's proclamation, 116-119; his proclamation to the Filipino people, 12o-125; his proclamations compared with that of the Americans, 127, 128; author seeks for an interview, 130, I31; his dignified reception, 133; his confidence in a pacific solution, 133; his respect for the British, 134, I40; how he impressed the author, 134; amused at an American comic journal, i40; letter to Mr. Higgins, 142; anxious for an arrangement with the Americans, 145; his terms for such an arrangement, 146; reelected president, 149; criticised by archbishop of Manila, 149; his proclamation of Feb. 5, 1899, 174-176; his proclamation to the Filipinos on Feb. I3, 1899, 183-I88; his departure from Singapore known to the American government, 196; taken to Cavite inU.S.S. McCu/loch, 197; his good government on his return to the Philippines, 200. Allen, Acting Secretary, his cable to Dewey of Aug. 19, 1898, 76; criticism of this cable, 76, 77; his cable to Dewey of Sept. 7, 1898, 77. America,her ignorance of Filipino people, 24, 25; arrival of her fleet at Hong Kong, 25; at Manila, 27, 29; her declaration of no intention to annex the Philippines, 39; the object she had in entering on the war, 39; value of her negotiations with Aguinaldo, 40; her aggressive and deceptive policy, 58; Filipino question influenced by bureaucrats, 58; English admiration for, 194; had full knowledge of Aguinaldo's understanding with Dewey, 197; its recognition of the Filipino flag, 198. American government, course of action taken by it, criminal, 77; general opinion on, 78. American people, unacquainted with the true facts of the Philippine affairs, 191, 195. Americans, defeated at San Antonio, 63; the volunteers inexperienced, 89; their igno rance of Filipino character, 89; instances of their misconduct toward the Filipinos, 91, 92; behaviour of the volunteers, 103, 105; intoxicated condition of the soldiers, 1o3, 105, 107; character of the volunteers, 104; instances of insubordination on the part of the volunteers, 104, 105, Io6, Io7, Io8; their scares, I37, I38; their conduct to a Filipino, 138; their atrocities in the Philippines, 139; their officers' opinions on the Philippine annexation, 144; start the attack on the Filipinos on Feb. 4, 1899, 157; description of the attack, 158, I59, i6o, I6I; courage of their soldiers, i6o; Manila press admit their aggression, 171-174; the volunteers seize private property, 178, I79, I8o; shocking conduct on their part, 179, I8o, IS8; their generals apathetic to Filipino claims, 201. Astor battery, refuses to reenlist unless General Otis is superseded, 97. Ayuntamiento Palace, occupied by General Otis, 87. Bacoor, occupied by the American fleet, 30. Baltimore, warship, 32. Bataan, 29. Bay, Lake de, visit to, 135. Buencamino, Sefior, his opinion of Aguinaldo's honour, 43; his kind reception of the author, 132; his suggestion for seeking assistance from England, 141; luncheon at house of, 149, I50, I51, 152, 153; conversation at the luncheon, 152, I53; introduces author and party to Aguinaldo on Feb. 4, 1899, 154. Call (San Francisco), its reference to the Manila engagement, I69. Caloogan, attack on, and seizure of, 181, 182. Cavite, 29, 33, 34, 35; the Spaniards driven from, by the Filipinos, 49. Cebu, I9, 21. Charleston, U.S.S., first arrival of troops in the cruiser, 49; shells the rebel lines, 159. Chichester, Sir Edward, his assistance to the American fleet, 35 -Chinese labour, mistake in forbidding it, IoI. Chinese, method of permitting immigration, 101, 102; their labour necessary in an Eastern colony, 102; their fitness for such labour, 102. Clark, Mr., 70. Collier's Weekly, quotation from, on American misconduct, 92. Commission, American, to examine into issues between America and the Philippines, 192. Corregidor, 27; the American hospital at, 144; its good work, 144, I45. Crowder, Lieut. Col. E. H., 67. " Declaration of Intentions," 195. Denby, Colonel, 192, I93. Dewey, Admiral, 29; instruction as to disposition of fleet on arrival at Cavite, 28, 30; his instructions from Washington, 31; his opinion of the battle of Manila, 33; his character, 33; takes possession of Cavite, 34; his protest against the German admiral at Manila, 36; his offer to fight the Germans, 37; his assurance of protection to the Europeans at Manila, 38; admiration for, 38; his lack of men for landing purposes, 40; his negotiations with Aguinaldo, 40, 41; result of negotiations with the Filipino junta, 44, 45; report from the Manila Times in his conference with Aguinaldo, 46, 47, 48; gives arms to Aguinaldo, 49; his cable announcing Aguinaldo's visit to the Olympia, 5i; his cable to Washington of June 13, 1898, 5I, 52; his cable to Washington explaining his relationship with Aguinaldo, 52, 53; examination of his cable, 54; sends U.S.S. Raleigh and Concord to assist Aguinaldo in Subig Bay, 57; his opinion on Filipino independence, 57; his home instructions after the battle of Manila, 72; his endeavours to conciliate both Spaniards and Filipinos, 78; his opinion as to treatment of Filipino claims, 86; his reversal of original policy, 95; his statement about Otis and a Washington proclamation, 109; his statement about Aguinaldo, 143; no consideration shown to his views by American government, 143; his fear of being feted, 143; obeys instructions, 196; must in honour vindicate the Filipinos, 199. Filipino junta at Hong Kong, 41, 42; result of its negotiations with Dewey, 44, 45 -Filipinos drive the Spaniards from Cavite, 49; their opinion of General Merritt's proclamation, 50; Dewey's opinion on their independence, 57; their kindly behaviour to the British, 70; their surprise at the arrival of so many American troops, 78; friendly to the United States, 78; their faith in General Merritt's proclamation of Aug. 14, 1898, 78; their patience before Otis, 94, 95; soldiers obedient, io8; their fitness for self-government, 126; comparison between their soldiers and the American, I36, 137; considerations which entitle them to full consideration from American government, 196 -200. Fitten, Mr. and Mrs., I36, 142. Freedom, its reference to the Philippines, 169. Gaddanes, 21. Germany, its interference with Dewey, 36; Dewey's offer to fight its fleet at Manila, 37. Globe (London), its despatch of Aug. 5, 1898, 71. Great Britain, its sympathy for America in the Philippines, 36. Greene, Brig. Gen. F. U., 67; his memorandum, 197. Higgins, Mr., his praise of the Filipinos, 70, 71; urges General Otis to meet Aguinaldo, 96, 97; his intimate relationship with Filipino leaders, 133; Aguinaldo's offer to, I42. Hlong Kong Daily Press, its particulars as to the commencement of hostilities, 170, I71; its views on the Philippine question, I88, 189. Iloilo, attacked by the Filipinos, I06; American troops embark for Irene, German warship, interference by its commander, 57. Itavis, 21. Jaudenes, Don Fermin, 67. Lacandola, 19. Lamberton, Captain, 67. Legaspi, I9. Leyte, 21. Li-Ma-Hong, 20. Long, Secretary, despatch to Dewey, May 26, 1898, 51; his cable to Dewey on June 14, 1898, 52; fully aware of all that transpired between Dewey and Aguinaldo, 55. Luzon, 19, 21, 28; swept by the Filipinos, 49. McArthur, Mr., Secretary, 192. McCulloch, Aguinaldo's visit to the, 48-49. Macleod, Mr. and Mrs., 136. Magellan, 19. Magtam, 19. Manila, 19; seized by the British, 20; under martial law, 24-25; Spain's apathy in fortifying it, 27; arrival of Dewey at, 29; battle of, 31, 32; Dewey's opinion of, 33; battle of, attempt made to destroy American fleet by torpedo boat, 33; blockade of, declared, 35; disastrous effect of the blockade of, 37; Dewey's regard for, 38; Americans enter the city, 60; its condition during June and July, 63, 64; archbishop of, his opinion on the capture of Manila, 64; understanding between American and Spanish generals for capture of, 64, 65; how it was captured, 65; American version of this story, 65, 66; commission on terms of its capitulation, 67; terms settled by commission for capitulation of, 67, 68, 69; American occupation of, 87; description of the city of, in January 1899,98, 99, Ioo; difference in prices of labour before and after American occupation, 1oI; condition after issue of proclamations, 129; alleged plan of attack on, 130; author acts as intermediary for merchants of, 141, 142; panics in, causes of, 142; bank manager at, prevents author's mediation, 147; archbishop of, his reference to Aguinaldo, 149; its press admits American aggression, 171, 172, 173, 174. Manila Club, 32. Manila Times, report of treaty between Dewey and Aguinaldo, 46-48; its description of the capture of Caloogan, 182. Merritt, General, his proclamation, 50, 51; effect of his arrival in the Philippines, 60, 61; his instructions, 6I; his course of action, 61; Mr.Meyers on, 62; his proclamation of Aug. 14, 1898, after the capture of Manila, 72-75; the New York Ierald's report of his statement of his relationship with Aguinaldo, 79; his opinion of the Filipinos as given by the New York Herald, 79, 80; his changed opinion of the Filipinos, 80, 81; replies by Sefor Agoncillo, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85. Mindanao, 21. Mindoro, 21. Miranda, Captain, 65. Mololos, visit to, to interview Aguinaldo, 13I; features of the town, 132. Montgomery, Captain, 131. Montojo, Admiral, 27. Alorning Post (London), its report of Merritt's change of opinion of the Filipinos, 80, 81. Myers, Mr. A. H., his pamphlet on "America's Transgressions in the Philippines," 41; his personal investigation of the truth of his statements, 41; criticism of General Merritt, 62. Negroes, 21. Newspapers, creation of, after American occupation of Manila, 89; their harmful influence, 90, 91, 93, 94; their attacks on Aguinaldo, 9o. Nieot York Herald, its report of General Merritt's statements, 79, 80; its report of Dewey's opinion as to treatment of the Filipinos, 86. Nigritos, 21. Olaguer, Col. Don Jose, 67. Olympia, U.S.S., 30. Otis, General, 24; his arrival with troops, 79; occupies palace of Ayuntamiento, 87; orders natives to withdraw, 93, 94; Aguinaldo remonstrates with him, 95; declines to be advised by merchants, 96; urged by Mr. Higgins to meet Aguinaldo, 96; Astor battery refused to reinlist unless he was superseded, 97; American government declines to withdraw him, 97; issues the Washington proclamation, 109-113; the proclamation opens Aguinaldo's eyes, 113; blunder made by him, 115, II6; Aguinaldo's reply to his Washington proclamation, 116-I19; declines to assist the merchants in the continuance of their trade, 134, I35. Owen, Major, 144. Pambeck, 136. Panay, 21. Paris, treaty of, 20. Pefia, Judge-Advocate-General Don Nicolas de la, 67. Philip II. of Spain, 19. Philippines, discovery of, by Magellan, 19; a Spanish colony, 20; character of its population, 21; first hope of its people for independence, 23; American atrocities in, I38, I39; presidential election on Jan. 22, 1899, 148, I49; consideration on the conquest of, 168; expression of America's intention not to annex the, 39. Pola, Lieutenant, 65. Press, unrepresented at Manila, 24. Pratt, Hon. Edward Spencer, punished for part he took in negotiations with Aguinaldo, 40; his report to Dewey of Aguinaldo's presence in Singapore, 45; his statement of his case, 45, 46; his bonafides, 46; Consul General, his statement that he acted on instructions, 126; sent his government full information, 196. Priests, their evil ways, 26. Proclamations, comparison between those of Aguinaldo and those of Otis, 127, 128. Ramsden, Consul, 135. Reyes, Col. Don Carlos, 67. Rizal, Dr., executed, I49. Salcedo, Juan, I9. Sandico, Serior, 91. Sangley Point, 29, 30, 33. San Miguel, 87. Santa Ana, I36; battle of, 164, I65, 166. Santolan, 176. Sargent, Cadet, 58. Schurman, Commissioner, 192. Singapore, Aguinaldo at, 45. Singapore Free Press, its exoneration of Consul General Pratt, 45; its reference to the outbreak of hostilities on Feb. 4, 1899, 162, 163; criticism of American policy, I89, 190; on the Philippine Commission, 192. Smuggling rife in Manila, 105. Spain, its bad government of the Filipino people, 25, 26; its apathy in fortifying Manila, 27; its fleet in Philippine waters, 27; its fleet's condition, 28; destruction of its fleet, 3I, 32; its losses at the battle of Manila, 32; its treaty with Aguinaldo, 42; its nonfulfilment of the treaty with Aguinaldo, 44. Spaniards, prisoners well treated by Americans, 87, 88; the officers misappropriate money for relief of prisoners, 88; treatment of prisoners, 88; American attitude to, 88; their police at Manila, 89. Subig Bay, 27, 57. Subig, its surrender to Aguinaldo, 57. Tinguianes, 21. Treaty between Aguinaldo and Dewey, 46-48. Walker, Mr., the British consul, his death, 38; Dewey's assurance to, 38. "Warren's Combined Show," performance at, I55; beginning of the great crime at, 156. Washington Post, on Aguinaldo's treatment of his prisoners, 58, 59. Whittier, Lieut. C., 67. Wilcox, Paymaster, 58. Wood, Mr., induces author to act as intermediary, for the Manila merchants, 141, 142. Worcester, Commissioner, I92, I93. Young, Mr., 33. 212
" A splendid work." - BOSTON TIMES.